FROM THE EAST TO THE WEST:
INTRODUCTION OF THE WEST
SYRIAC LITURGICAL TRADITION AMONG
THE SAINT THOMAS CHRISTIANS ON THE
MALABAR COAST
[Revd.Dr.B.Varghese, Kottayam, India]
Documentary evidences are scanty to understand the history of the
liturgical traditions followed by the St Thomas Christians before the arrival
of the Portuguese colonizers on the Malabar Coast. Historians have assumed that
the east Syriac liturgical tradition was followed by the St Thomas Christians
since the early centuries. The oldest known document related to the liturgical
tradition of Malabar is an East Syriac lectionary of the Pauline Epistles for
the Sundays of the whole year, written in India in 1301 A.D. (Vatican Syriaco
22). The colophon says that it was copied in the Greek era 1612 (= 1301 A.D.)
in the “royal town of Sengala, in Malabar, in the country of India”. Singala is
identified as Cranganore (about 25 km north of Cochin, the place where St
Thomas is believed to have landed in 52 A.D[1].
The scribe was a fourteen year old deacon named’ Zachariah bar Joseph bar
Zachariah. It is on the basis of this lectionary that Syro-Malabar historians
have concluded that East Syrian liturgy was widely followed in Malabar. It is
open to discussion whether a fourteen year deacon was competent to undertake
such a serious task. It is also possible that the manuscript was copied by a
visiting East Syrian for the use of the local community.
About a dozen of East Syriac
liturgical manuscripts related to the history of the St Thomas Christians are
known. They were either copied in Malabar or brought here by the visiting East
Syrian bishops in the 16th century[2].
Some of them were brought by the east Syrian bishops who came to Malabar in
1490 or 1502. Some others were copied by Joseph Sulaqa who reached Malabar
in1556.[[e.g. Vatican Syr. 88: canonical hours of the monks; Vatican 89: the
Hymns of the martyrs sung in the canonical hours; Vatican Syr. 128: Nomocanon
of Abdisho]. When John Sulaqa was deported by the Portuguese for his alleged
‘Nestorianism’, he took several manuscripts to Rome. The east Syriac
manuscripts that were available in Malabar at the time of the Synod of Diamper (1599)
were brought by the eight East Syrian bishops who reached here between 1490 and
1562[3].
In 1662, Jean Morin, a French Catholic priest
published a book on ordination: J.Morinus,
Commenatrisus de sacris Ecclesiae ordinationibus secundum antiques et
recentiorfes latinos, graecos, syros et babylonios…[4]
In his introduction, J.Morin claimed that he had consulted also a manuscript
brought from Goa. If it is true, the manuscript in question was brought to
India by Ahatallah who landed at Surat in 1652. He was captured by the
Portuguese and was murdered. This may be first West Syriac liturgical text that
can be associated with India.
Another ancient Syriac document related to Malabar is the so-called
;Buchanan Bible”, a 12th century manuscript of the Bible in
Estrangela Syriac, now kept in the University Library of Cambridge[5].
E.M.Philip assumed that the manuscript is a witness to the relationship between
the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch and Malabar in the 12th century. However, it
was certainly brought to India by one of the visiting Syrian Orthodox prelates
after 1665.
Arrival of the Syrian
Orthodox Prelates
In 1663, the Dutch captured Cochin and
all European missionaries were expelled. This marked a turning point in the
history of the St Thomas Christians. It was in fact the end of the Portuguese
rule in Malabar that made possible the arrival of Mar Gregorios, the Syrian
Orthodox bishop of Jerusalem in 1665, and mar Baselius Yaldo in 1685.
Following the Coonen Cross oath
(1653), more than 90% of the St Thomas Christians rejected the Roman catholic
authority imposed on them at the Synod of Diamper (1599). Soon after the Coonen
Cross oath, Archdeacon Thomas, the leader of the Syrian Christians was made
bishop by twelve priests under the name Mar Thoma [I]. They might have done this unusual gesture,
with the hope of regularizing his office later by an Eastern bishop who will
visit Malabar.
Alarmed by the situation, Rome changed the
method and brought Italian Carmelite missionaries to face the new situation in
the place of Portuguese Jesuits. Their propaganda that ‘Mar Thoma’ is not
validly consecrated was effective and a good number of faithful including three
out of the four advisers of Mar Thoma joined the Catholic Church. One of the
advisers was Mar Thoma’s first cousin Parampil Chandy Kathanar who later became
the bishop of the Catholic faction.
Even though Mar Thoma [I] was consecrated by the Antiochene Prelate Mar
Gregorios (in 1665), Antiochene liturgical rites were widely accepted very
slowly, after a process that lasted for nearly two centuries. It is significant
that mar Thoma [I] and his five successors assumed East Syrian names (Mar Thoma
I to VI). Mar Thoma VI was consecrated in 1765 and in July 1770, two Antiochene
bishops (Mar Gregorios and Mar Ivanios) re-consecrated him under the name Mar
Dionysius. He was the first Malankara metropolitan to assume an Antiochene
name. However, he continued to be known as Mar Thoma V and three of his
successors also assumed the same name (Mar Thoma VII to IX). The East Syriac
influence begun in the pre-Portuguese period began to disappear only by the
early decades of the 19th century. The Antiochene Syriac tradition
was widely accepted by the non-Catholic St Thomas Christians only by the end of
the 19th century as we will see below.
First phase of
Antiochianization: Works of Mar Gregorios of Jerusalem:
During the six year stay in Malabar (1665-71), Mar Gregorios was not
very successful to introduce Antiochene liturgical rites. There might be two
reasons behind it. First, the east Syriac rite widely followed for at least two
centuries. Both the Catholics and the non-Catholics seem to have continued to
follow the same East Syriac liturgy even after the division in 1653. Since the
east Syriac rite was popular, introduction of a new rite (antiochene) would
lead people to join the Catholic group. Moreover, both groups were sharing several churches until the beginning of the
19th century. This might have made a ‘change of liturgical rites
difficult and problematic’. Secondly, the parishes were independent (at least
among the non-Catholics) and the visiting antiochene bishops had practically no
control over the churches and the clergy. Moreover, Mar Gregorios could not
communicate with most of the clergy. The
system of running the parishes without direct Episcopal control continued until
the beginning of the 20th century.
E.M.Philip (Syrian Knanaya
Jacobite) quotes a letter by Gregorios (dated 5th February, 1668))
addressed to the parish priests of Paravoor, Mulanthuruthy and Kandanadu. Mar
Gregorios points out the differences between the Syrian and the Roman Catholic
practices:
“….Till now, priests were
allowed to marry according to the canons. The Romanists forbade the marriage of
priests and deacons [……]. These unholy people now curse holy matrimony and love
adultery […..]. Know that Marriage is holy and the marriage bed is undefiled
and that God judged all adulterers and fornicators. Again the Romanists have
not the fast of Nineveh, which we have. They do not observe the Assumption fast
of fifteen days in August which we observe. They do not keep the Advent fast of
twenty-five days in December, which we keep. In Lent, they eat fish and drink
liquors, which the Syrians do not do. So there are many differences in
practices between them and us. I have told you on a former occasion about their
heretical teaching on the incarnation of the Word of God, and on the union of
His divinity and humanity, and on His Person, natures and will, and so I need
not repeat them here”[6].
Thus Mar Gregorios had made
attempts to instruct at least some priests the differences in doctrines as well
as in liturgical practices. But he could not introduce any remarkable changes
because of the reasons pointed out above. According to Paulinus, Mar Gregorios
introduced the use of leavened bread instead of the Latin host as well as
changes in liturgical dress and calendar[7].
Second Phase: The works of
Mar Baselius Yaldo and Mar Ivanios
In 1685, the Maphrian
Baselius Yaldo and Mar Ivanios landed at the port of Tellicherry. They thought that Malabar is still under the
Portuguese domination. So disguising themselves as travelers, they took the
land route and reached Kothamangalam about 80 kms east of Cochin. Having been
exhausted by walking through the mountain paths, in the tropical climate, Mar
Baselius Yaldo died 13 days after his arrival in Kothamanaglam and was buried
there. Mar Ivanios stayed and worked in Malabar for eight years (died in 1693
at Mulanthuruthy). Paulinus writes on the mission of Mar Ivanios:
“….In Lent till the Easter,
they were not celebrating Mass nor they were allowing others to celebrate,
except on Sundays on which there was no fasting; they denied beatific vision
immediately after death; they taught that one should pray standing and not
kneeling; priests were encouraged to marry, hence many of the Malabar priests
got married. They were celibate . […..]. Mar Ivanios took away all the statues
and crucifixes from the churches ; but allowed pictures to be venerated…”[8].
Mar Ivanios consecrated Mar Thoma
III (d. 1685) and Mar Thoma IV (d. 1728). However, both continued to assume
East Syriac title ‘Mar Thoma’, apparently not to offend the
‘pro-catholic(Chaldean) faction. Like Mar Gregorios, Mar Ivanios also could not
visit many churches and to propagate the antiochene rites. Mar Thoma IV was very particular to see that
the foreign prelate did not interfere in the affairs of the Church. However, it
was during his episcopate that the Malankara Church took the relationship with
the Antiochene Church more seriously.
François Nau suggested that the
adoption of the Antiochene rite was the result of the works of Baselius Yaldo
and Mar Ivanios[9].
This is not completely true. However, mar Ivanios could create an awareness of
the difference between ‘Jacobite’ and ‘Nestorian’ doctrines. Thus at the
beginning of the 18th century, Mar Thoma IV clearly adhere to the
Syrian Orthodox doctrines against Mar Gabriel a Nestorian (or Chaldean) bishop.
Mar Gabriel reached Malabar in
1705 and about 40parishes accepted his authority. This shows that a group was
still willing to follow East Syriac rite and to receive a non-Catholic East
Syrian bishop. It was probably the success of Mar Gabriel’s mission that persuaded
Mar Thoma IV to turn towards the Syrian Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch[10].
Thus in 1709, he wrote to the Patriarch
of Antioch:
“…..Then came one who said,
that he was Metropolitan of Nineveh and that Mar Elias the Catholicos had sent
him. His name was Gabriel and his faith in Christ was this: there are two
natures and two persons: scandal. He speaks much against Mary, the Mother of
God, wherefore we believe him not…”[11]
In 1720 Mar Thoma wrote to
the Patriarch repeating the content of his previous letter:[12]
“ To my Lord Ignatius,
Patriarch of Antioch, I , poor Mar Thomas, fifth bishop of the Syrians in
India, writes, and says : […..]. Lord, I am not worthy to write to thy
greatness. But we write and we send letters because of the necessity of the
orthodox Syrians of India, and we pray
that thou mayest send to us one Patriarch and one Metropolitan and twin
priests, who may be philosophers and may understand the interpretations of the
holy and divine scriptures. Previously there came to our country Mar Gregory,
fifth Patriarch of Jerusalem, and after him Mar Andreas Alvaeus and after him
came a certain Maphrian, Mar Basil Catholicos, and with him Mar John (=Ivanios)
the Metropolitan and Ramban Matthaeus.
Since their death, wed rift
like a boat without a pole [….]. In the year of our Lord 1709, there came a
Metropolitan by name Gabriel the Ninivite, whom Mar Elias Catholicos sent to
me. But he held such a faith as that Christ had two natures and persons: and
therefore we did not believe him, except a certain priest called Mathew
Beticutel and a few Portuguese Roman Catholics. We, however, have not wisdom
that we may answer him. Therefore we report it to thee”.
Before his death, Mar Thoma IV
(d.1728) consecrated his successor Mar Thoma V (1728-1765). As the Catholics
continued their propaganda that his consecration was invalid, Mar Thoma V made
attempts to get it regularized either by the Patriarch himself or by a bishop
sent by him. Meanwhile the Dutch also seems to have started proselytism in
Cochin. Thus in 1730, in his reply to the letter sent by the Dutch authorities,
Mar Thoma V replied that he cannot give
an answer ‘without the permission of the Patriarch of Antioch’ as the
Malankara Church accepts him as the
head’ (Letter dated 1730 Feb.11).
However, it should be noted that in spite of the overture towards
Antioch, no significant change seems to have taken place in liturgical
practices.
The changes introduced by the
Antiochene prelates were often qualified by Mar Thoma Matrons (IV and V) as
‘the restoration of the Syriac rite, followed in Malabar in the pre-Diamper
period[13].
However, evidences suggest that several parishes followed the same Chaldean
liturgy as that of the catholic party, that is the reformed liturgy of Bishop
Francis Roz S.J. (who became the Archbishop of Cranganore for the Syrians after
the Synod of Diamper). About the year 1723, the Dutch Chaplain Jacob Canter
Visscher reported that the Liturgy and other practices of the Malankara Church
is a mixture of Latin, Chaldean and Antiochene
rites:
“…. These days nobody can
give a correct report on the belief (of the Thomas Christians), for their
liturgical service (Mass) is a confusion; partly it is from the pagans among
whom they live and from whom they stem; partly it is from the ‘papists’ to whom
many of them were gone and with whom they share many churches; and partly it is
from the Syrian Christians, by whose bishops they are governed and whose opinions
they adopt…”[14].
The confusion in liturgical
practices can be explained as follows. Most of the priests did not get any
proper clerical training, except spending a few years with a senior priest
(Malpan), often their uncles or close relatives. Their knowledge of Syriac was
limited to the ability to read the liturgical texts. Whether it was East Syriac
or West Syriac, the priests were not much bothered. The bishop, usually better
educated than the rest of the clergy, had practically no control over the
parishes.
However, Mar Thoma IV and V
clearly distinguished the difference between the East Syriac and West Syriac
doctrines. Thus on 8th June 1729, Mar Thoma V wrote a letter to the Dutch
Governor, In which he explained the difference between the Malankara Church and the faction led by Mar Gabriel:
“… we acknowledge the Church
of Antioch for our head, that the Messiah has but one nature and one person and
that the holy Ghost goes out only from the father: and in the Holy Sacrament,
we distribute fresh bread which is baked that same day. Also in fasting there
is difference between us and them. ‘Mar Gabriel with the Christians in the
south, kept the fats and holy days according to the rule of Antioch’, but the
mass and the Lord’s Supper with wafers he causes to be administered after the
Romish way…’[15].
Cyril Malancharuvil quotes from ‘the Relatio of the Cardinal
Secretary in the Particular Congregation’ of 16 August 1750, according to which
“the heretics of the Chaldean rite” (i.e. the non-Catholics) were following the
same liturgy as the Romo-Syrians.
“…. The heretics differ from
the Catholics in the following points: (1) The heretics follow the old
calendar, (2) they abstain from eating meat on Wednesdays and Fridays, (3) For
the ecclesiastical fasting they count the (natural) day from the sunset to the
evening of the following day; but for the fasting, in preparation for the
celebration of the holy Mass and communion they begin from midnight onwards as
do the Catholics; (4) the heretics retain the breviary, the Missal and the
ritual reformed by Bishop Francis Roz, but mention the name of the heretic
Patriarch and of the then ruling Archdeacon, in the diptychs; (5) the Catholics
of the Chaldean rite celebrate Mass with the unleavened bread and the heretics
after having fallen into schism and heresy have resumed the use of leavened
bread. They, however, celebrate the Mass on the altar made of wood not on one
of stone…”[16].
This letter gives the impression
that all the non-Catholics were following the same liturgy as the Syro-Catholics. However, we should be mindful of the fact
that most of the European missionaries of that time spoke of both East and West
Syriac traditions as ‘Chaldean’. Syriac language itself was often referred to
as ‘Chaldean language’. It is certain that the West Syriac liturgy was followed
at least by a few parishes where Mar Ivanios stayed and worked during his eight
year stay in Malabar (1685-1693). The letters of Mar Thoma IV and V support
this observation. However, the ‘Jacobites’ seemed to have followed several
‘Latin’ practices even after the introduction of the Antiochene rite. Thus
about the year 1723, the Dutch Chaplain Canter Visscher wrote that ‘the
Jacobites were receiving communion kneeling’[17]. Similarly as late as 1816, Middleton
reported that the Syrians of the Malankara Church kneeling on certain occasions
in the Eucharistic celebration[18].
Between 1665 and 1750, though
the Malankara Church became increasingly aware of the theological difference
between the east and West Syriac traditions, most of the parishes seemed to
have followed the Reformed liturgy of Francis Roz. When the East Syrian bishop
Mar Gabriel organized an independent East Syrian (Nestorian) community, Mar
Thoma V turned towards Antioch, not to the Nestorian Patriarch . Here we can find
the earliest instance of the emergence of a new ecclesiastical consciousness.
Third Phase: Arrival of the
Maphrian Baselius Sakrallah and his team
The arrival of Maphrian Baselius
Sakralah accompanied by a bishop named
Mar Gregorios and Ramban Yohannan, a
Cor-Episcopos and a few deacons in 1751, marked a turning point in the history
of the Malankara Church. It was this team
that introduced the Antiochene (Seerto) Syriac script and popularised the
Syrian Orthodox Liturgy.
In 1752, Baselius Sakrallah
consecrated Ramban Yohannan bishop under
the name Mar Ivanios. The Antiochene bishops stayed at Mulanthuruthy church and
trained several priests and deacons. It was this team of bishops and clergy who
popularized the Antiochene Syriac (Serto) script and liturgy in Malankara.
According to Fr.Paulinus, “the
liturgy which (Mar Baselius) brought to Malabar was of St James, Bishop of
Jerusalem, written at Mardin where the Antiochene Patriarch was residing who
sent Basil and Friends to Malabar”[19].
From this time onwards, Syrian Orthodox liturgy began to be widely used, if not
exclusively[20].
Thus in 1778, Fr.Thomas Paremakkal testified that the “Jacobites” of the
Malankara Church used the same liturgy as that of the catholic Syrians of
Antioch[21].
Mar Thoma V was not at all happy
with the presence of the foreign prelates and did not want to co-operate with
them. Thus in 1761 he consecrated his nephew as his successor under the name
Mar Thoma VI (1761-1805). The Antiochene bishops continued their efforts of
reconciliation and finally, Mar Thoma VI consented to be re-consecrated. Thus
in 1770 at Niranam, Mar Gregorios and Mar Ivanios re-consecrated Mar Thoma VI
under the name Mar Dionysius. He was the first
Metropolitan of Malankara to assume an Antiochene name. However, he
continued to use his former title Mar Thoma VI until his death. The East Syriac
language and liturgical rites were continued to be followed in most of the
parishes as before. In fact the Mar
Thoma Metrans were generally lenient towards the east Syriac tradition. Thus
Mar Thoma VI even after his re-consecration continued his overture towards the
Uniates who followed the Latinized East Syrian Liturgy. According to catholic
sources, one of the goals of Fr.Paremakkal’s journey to Rome was to negotiate favorable
conditions for the union of Mar Thoma VI with the Catholic churches. Under the
pressure by a leading catholic layman Thachil Mathu Tharakan, Mar Thoma
celebrated the Eucharist with unleavened
bread. However, he soon changed his mind. Thus the catholic missionaries
reported to Propaganda Fide on 25th April 1788 expressing their
disappointment in Mar Thoma’s change in
his attitude:
“… not only does he not
convert, but he has reformed his Jacobite rite and is still more obstinate in
his schismatic attitude…”[22].
Final phase of
Antiochianisation:
There are three developments that led
to the wider acceptance of the Antiochene rites in the Malankara Church (i). Origin of the Thozhiyoor Church; (ii)
foundation of the Old Seminary, Kottayam ; (iii) consecration of Palakunnathu Mathews
Mar Athanasius and the events that followed it. In fact they are mutually
related and these developments created an impression that the Malankara Church
was under the authority of the Syrian Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch. By the
last quarter of the 19th century, ‘the authority of the Patriarch’
was regarded as a ‘historical fact’. The present schism in the Malankara
Orthodox Church is the result of this understanding, which has no historical
foundation.
In 1772, at the Mattanchery
Church, the Antiochene bishop Mar Gregorios consecrated his trusted disciple
Katumangattu Kurian Ramban as bishop under the name Mar Koorilos (d.1802). The antiochene
prelate did not consult the Malankara Metran Mar Thoma VI (Mar Dionysius) nor
seek his permission. As the new bishop Mar Koorilos was not received by his
church, he left for Thozhiyoor in British Malabar (about 30 kms west of
Trichur) and organized the faithful there. This is origin of the so called
‘Independent Syrian Church of Malabar’, popularly known as Thozhiyoor (or
Anjoor) Church. As he was trained by Mar Gregorios, Mar Koorilos followed
Antiochene liturgical rites. Several priest in the neighboring villages such as
Pazhanji and Kunnamkulam were trained by Mar Koorilos and his successor Mar
Philoxenos.
Mar Thoma VI (Mar Dionysius)
and his successors Mar Thoma VII to IX were rather East Syrians in their
affinity. Naturally this led to the emergence of two factions: one favorable to
Antiochene rites and another East Syrian or Chaldean. Thus the Mar Thomas sometimes has demonstrated
inclination towards Catholicism. This was true in the case of Mar Thoma VI.
Thus In 1796, when he consecrated his successor, the new bishop was given the
East Syriac name Mar Thoma VII, not an antiochene name. In 1808, Mar Thoma VI
died and Mar Thoma VII (1808-9) succeeded him. His rule lasted only for one
year, and before his death, he consecrated Mar Thoma VIII (18069-1816). It was
alleged that Mar Thoma VII laid his hand on his successor on his death bed.
Consequently there arose a controversy. Pulikkottil Ittoop Kathanar entered the scene at this moment.
Majority of the people stood behind him and they refuse to accept Mar Thoma
VIII as a legitimate bishop. Ittoop Kathanar was from Kunnamkulam and was
trained at Thozhiyoor. In a few weeks after the demise of Mar Thoma VII, both
parties reconciled. Thus on the fortieth day after the demise of Mar Thoma VII,
representatives of various churches met at Kandanadu and made a series of
important decisions (known as Kandanadu Padiola). One of the decisions
was to start two Malpan schools (Paditha veedu), one in the north and
one in the south for the ‘training of the priest and the children’. As part of
the reconciliation, Ittoop Kathanar was professed monk (Ramban) by Mar Thoma
VIII. Ittoop Ramban was entrusted with the responsibility to start the Malpan
Schools. However, Mar Thoma VIII was not so enthusiastic to implement the
decision. Thus in one of his letters addressed to Mar Thoma VIII, Ittoop Ramban
expressed his displeasure and asked the
bishop to take necessary steps for it as well as to make arrangement to produce
enough manuscript copies of the Andutaksa (Order of the Celebration of
the feasts).
Meanwhile in 1813, Ittoop Ramban
founded the Old Seminary, thanks to the generous helps from the British
Resident Colonel John Munroe. In March 1815, Ittoop Ramban was made bishop by Kidangan Geevarghese Mar Philoxenos
(1811-1829), fourth bishop of Thozhiyoor. The new bishop took the title Joseph Mar
Dionysius (Pulikottil). Mar Thoma VIII sent petitions to Col.Munroe, which were
ignored. Though mar Thoma VIII (d.1815)
consecrated his successor Mar Thoma IX, he could not organize a group against
Mar Joseph Dionysius (d.1816). With his death, the pro-East Syrian faction in
the Malankara Church almost completely disappeared. However, here and there
some clergy continued to celebrate East Syriac liturgy (as reformed by Francis
Roz after the synod of Diamper) or even transliterated the Antiochene
liturgical texts in East Syriac!
Meanwhile two Antiochene bishops
(1806-8) and Mar Athanasius (1825-26) came to Malankara and visited parishes.
However, they could not do any significant work in Kerala.
The consecration of
Palakunnathu Mathews Mar Athanasius (1843-1877) was another important factor
for the wide-spread acceptance of the Syrian Orthodox Liturgy. In 1842, he was
consecrated in Mardin by the Patriarch Elias II. Mar Athanasius was the first
Indian bishop to be consecrated directly by the patriarch of Antioch. He was young,
energetic and an able organizer, who could bring a large number of parishes
under him. He was perhaps the first bishop in the history of the Malankara
Church who tried to bring parishes under the authority of the bishop.
Consequently Antiochene liturgical rites became popular in Kerala. Recent
researches have demonstrated that unlike his uncle Abraham Malpan, Mar
Athanasius was not very enthusiastic to reform the liturgical practices. The
Malankara Metran of the time Cheppattu Mar Dionysius was unwilling to fight
against Mar Athanasius. Thus in 1846, he stepped down in favor of the visiting
Antiochene bishop Yoyakim Mar Coorilos (who arrived in Malabar in 1846). Until
his death (in 1875 at Mulanthuruthy), Mar Coorilos visited churches and trained
clergy and played the most vital role in propagating the antiochene rites. As
he interfered with the administration of the Church, Mar Athanasius complained
to the British Resident who ordered Mar Coorilos to leave the territory of
Travancore and Cochin (in 1848). He spent most part of his
time in British Malabar . Meanwhile another antiochene bishop named Mar
Stephen Athanasius reached Malankara in 1849 and worked for some time. Following the Resident’s order, he also had
to leave the country. The consecration of Mathews mar Athanasius and the
presence of Yoyakim Mar Coorilos created a new thinking in Malankara that the
Church was always under the Patriarch of Antioch. Then in 1864, Pulikottil
Joseph mar Dionysius was consecrated by the Patriarch Yakub II at Diarbekir,
which further strengthened the Antiochene connection. Then Patriarch Peter III
visited Malankara and stayed here for two years (1875-77) which marked the
completion of Antiochianization.
Completion of the
Antiochianization
The Malpans from the Konat
family and their School and printing press played the most decisive role in the
complete disappearance of the East Syriac Liturgy and the completion of the
process of antiochianisation that stared in 1665. The most prominent member of
Konat family was Mathen Malpan
(1860-1927). His contributions in the liturgical matters can be summarized as
follows:
(1). Printing of liturgical
books in Syriac.
(2). His role in the
redaction of the book of rubrics.
(3). Collecting liturgical
texts and other sources from Mosul.
(4). Translation of the
Peshitta New Testament into Malayalam.
(5) Training the candidates
for priesthood.
Until the early decades of the 19th
century, the training of the clergy was limited to elementary studies in Syriac
language and liturgical rubrics, which continued in some circles down to the 20th
century. In a couple of articles published in Malankara Edavakapatrika
(=ME), the semi-official organ of the Malankara Orthodox Church (published
between 1892 and 1910), Konat Mathen Malpan described the level of the
theologicall training of the Syriac clergy:
“ bout 100 years ago, those
who have read all the four Gospels were highly esteemed. Those who were
familiar with four or six anaphoras served as malpans (Syriac doctors)[23]”.
In another article, Mathen
Malpan wrote:
“ Before the prayer book in
Malayalam was printed, hardly anybody knew more than Our Father, Hail Mary,
I am sinner, and the Creed. Perhaps the family members of some
malpans or a Metran knew more than what is said above, namely the ten
commandments, the (list of the)
mortal sins as well as the prayer before going to bed. Most people
knew merely the opening (words) In the name of the Father, Our Father and
Hail Mary. Now since the prayer book is available, may people use it…. The
service of the Funeral was celebrated with incomplete or fragmentary services.
As my uncle Mar Julius Metropolitan has printed it (the Funeral liturgy) here,
it is followed in all places. When it was printed, hardly eight or ten priests
knew to use it with correct tunes and order. Even the priest who had learnt one
anaphora and two Gospel passages, now celebrate the liturgy correctly”[24].
Mar Julius Press and the
first printed books
Konat Geevarghese Malpan (later
Metropolitan Geevarghese Mar Julius) founded a printing press[25].
Under the initiative of Pulikottil Joseph mar Dionysius, Syriac found was made
and apparently it was not used much. During his visit to India, Patriarch Peter
III was pleased with the Syriac found and ordered to print a small book at St
Thomas Press, Cochin (the title not known). When mar Julius became bishop (in
1876), the work of the Press was discontinued for some time. In his old age, he
returned to Pampakuda and ordered new Syriac found and a wooden press. The new
press was named Keraladepom. Later he purchased an iron press. However,
the printing was not resumed. Under Mar Julius, three or four books were
published of which the details are not available. The following are the first
books printed in Kerala:
(1). Funeral service (in
Syriac) by Konat Geevarghese Mar Julius (year ?)
(2). Prayers of the Great
lent (Syriac ?) by Joseph Mar Dionysius, Mar Thoma Press, Kottayam (Year ?)
(3). Order of the Anaphoras
(Syriac) by Joseph Mar Dionysius, Lithographic Reproduction, Kottayam ,( Year
?).
(4). Daily Prayers
(Malayalam) by Joseph Mar Dionysius, mar Thoma Press, Kottayam, (Year ?).
The daily prayers printed by Mar
Dionysius were translated from Syriac into Malayalam by Konat Yohannan Malpan
(1809-1890). Malankara Edavaka patrika says that Joseph Mar Dionysius
corrected and modified several times the translation, before it was published.
However, the news letter adds that the names of mar Dionysius and Yohannan
Malpan feel into oblivion even during their life time[26].
Liturgical Books published by
Mathen Malpan
Keraladeepom Press was revived and
re-named as Mar Julius Press by
Mathen malpan. In the last decades of the 19th century, he spent
about 4,000 rupees, which was a huge
amount in those days. Some parishes and his friends and disciples collected Rs.
450. The first Syriac book published by Mathen Malpan was the Promioun Sedra
of the Holy Week (Syriac text only, 1898, 300 copies, Price Rs.3.00)[27].
Mathen Malpan seems to have published a ‘Book of the Anaphoras’ also[28].This
was followed by the publication of the second edition of the Funeral Liturgy
(originally published by Mar Julis) and the Order of the feasts (Andutaksa)[29].
The printing cost for the Andutaksa was paid by Kadathi Kochukadavil Mathai
Kathanar[30].
The Malankara Edavakapatrika
published the comments by the priests on the new publications. Some expressed
their opinion that the liturgical books shall be printed in ‘Karshon letters’
(Syriac text in Malayalam scripts), all the priests are not equally competent
to read Syriac. But Edavakapatrika was not in favour of this suggestion[31].
In the following year, Mathen
malpan published ‘the Order of the Feast of Nativity (Yaldo, in 1900)
and the ‘Anointing of the Sick (Kandeela) and the Order of the funeral
of the priests (Kahnaitho in 1904).
The publication of the Malayalam
translation of the Ordo Communis by Mathen Malpan and Vattasseril
Geevarghese Malpan (Geevarghese Mar Dionysius) in 1898 was a land mark in the
history of the Malnakara Orthdox liturgy. They translated the offices of the
feast of Resurrection (Qyamto) and Ordo Communis from Syriac into
Malayalam and Kandathil Varghese Mappila, a layman and a note3d poet versified
the text in Syriac tunes. They sought the help of a Hindu poet Kottarathil
Sankunni to improve the Malayalam language and to find appropriate words to
follow the exact Syriac meter in Malayalam.
The Qyamta service e is still used in the Malankara Orthodox
parishes. In a year the first edition was completely sold out and second
edition was published. Thus the faithful were able to participate in the Sunday
morning offices as well as the Holy Eucharistic service. Though the lay people
warmly welcomed the Malayalam version of the prayers, the priests not so
enthusiastic to buy the Syriac books[32].
Thus in 1902, Pulikottil Joseph Mar Dionysius and Parumala Mar Gregorios sent
circulars to the churches to promote the sale. In his circular Mar Gregorios
wrote; “ We regret to learn that, even though perfect books are available, come
(priests) continue to follow ‘old fragments of papers’ and are not buying
printed books”[33].
Meanwhile, Kallacheril Punnose Ramban
(Catholicos Geevarghese II) translated ‘the secret prayers from Syriac into
Malayalam and arranged them in 49 units for the seven canonical hours of each
day of the week (These prayers are usually said secretly by monks and priests
after the usual canonical prayers)[34].
In a few years, Mathen Malpan published the Syriac lectionary index which was
soon translated into Malayalam and published at Mar Thoma Press, Kottayam[35].
The publication of the Book of
Rubrics, prepared after a series of consultations and meetings, marks the
completion of the Antiochianisation in the Malankara Orthodox Church. Mathen Malpan
played a key role in its redaction. In 1900 (medom 20) on Wednesday after the
New Sunday, A General Meeting of the clergy and laymen representing the
churches was held at M.D.Seminary, Kottayam. One of its main decisions was to
prepare the ‘book of rubrics’.[ It was this meeting which made preliminary
discussions on the establishment of the Catholicate or Maphrianate in
India]. In fact during his two year stay in Malankara, the Patriarch
Peter III sent a circular to the parishes giving a summary of the essential
rubrics of various liturgical services. This served as the basis for the new
redaction of the rubrics.
In the Kottayam meeting, Mathen Malpan
spoke of the need of publishing a liturgical calendar every year. Mr.E.M.Philip,
editor of the Malankara Edavaka Patrika was entrusted with the task of preparing the
calendar. In the same meeting, Malithara Elias Kathanar suggested to publish
the Book of the Rubrics. He himself had prepared the draft of the proposed
book. The meeting appointed a Committee consisting of the ‘Malpans’ to examine
the draft and to submit it in the next meeting with necessary modification[36].Both
Konat Mathen Malpan and Vattasseril Geevarghese Malpan seem to have been
members of the Committee. However in 1909, Mathen Malpan published the Book of
Rubrics from Pampakuda. In its introduction, there is no reference to the Kottayam
meeting nor to the role of Malithara Elias Kathanar in preparing the first
draft. This means that the decision of the Kottayam meeting was not
implemented. The introduction to the
book by Mathen Malpan can be summarized as follows:
‘ A meeting of the clergy was
held at the Piravom Seminary, in which Joseph Mar Dionysius and Murimattathil
Paulose Mar Ivanios (Baselius Paulose I, the first Catholicose in India)
presided, and founded the Vaidika sanghom (Clergy Association). The
meeting authorized Mathen Malpan and Pallikkara Kurisinkal Mani Kathanar to
prepare the draft of the rubrics and resolved to publish it after having read
in the next meeting and having made necessary corrections. Then both of them
together prepared a draft using the circular of the Patriarch Peter III and
some other books. They first made a draft of the rubrics from Epiphany to Pentecost,
and presented it in the second meeting of the ‘Clergy Association’, held at the
Piravom Seminary, in which Mar Ivanios presided. The meeting approved it and
resolved to present the manuscript to other bishops and Vattasseril Geevarghese
Malpan for their comments. The publication was delayed by the long process of
examination by various ‘experts’ and the revisions. Then the text was read
before Kochuparampil Paulose Ramban (Paulose Mar Cooriolos), Mattackal
Alexandreos Kathanar and Elavinamannil Skariah Kathanar. [In fact most of those
who ‘heard the reading were not respectable Syriac or liturgical scholars. It
was as part of a courtesy that it was read before leading priests, precisely in
order to avoid negative criticisms that can come up later]. The final draft was
presented before the thirds Meeting of the Clergy Association, held at
Kadamattom , presided over by Paulose Mar Ivanios. After having obtained the
approval of the meeting, the ‘Book of Rubrics’ was printed.
Mathen Malpan published two
Bulletins, Simat haye (‘Treasury of Life) in Syriac and Jeeva
Nikshepam (Treasury of life) in Malayalam, with the intension to promote
Syriac language and to introduce Syriac Commentaries on Bible and liturgy. Simat
haye (1906-1907) was a quarterly bulletin. During its three year life, Simat
haye published for the first time the Syriac text of Moses Bar Kepha’s
Commentary on baptism[37],
and about half of Bar Kepha’s Commentary on the Eucharist (up to the lifting up
of the anaphora). The European scholars were generally unaware of the existence
of this ‘Syriac Journal’’. As a young deacon, Mathen (Malpan)
published a commentary on the Eucharist in Malayalam, which was based on Bar
Salibi’s Commentary (Published at St
Thomas Press, Cochin, 1877).
Even in the beginning of the
20th century, the influence of East Syriac language did not
completely disappear from among the Malankara Orthodox Clergy. Thus in 1906,
when Mathen Malpan published a Malayalam translation of the Syriac Peshitta
version of the Gospels, there was a
discussion among the clergy whether the Syriac words shall be transliterated
with East Syriac vowels (ending with ‘a’) or with West Syriac vowels (ending
with ‘o’). The majority was in favor of following the West Syriac vowel[38].
However even now the most commonly used liturgical vocabulary have retained the
east Syriac vocalization[39].
[1] Se. J.P.M.Van der Ploeg, The
Syriac Manuscripts of St Thomas Christians, (Bangalore, 1983), 187-189.
[2] They are available in the
Vatican Library. See J.P.M.van der Ploeg, p. 185-205.
1556 :
[unidentified: Mar Abraham?]; 1556: Mar
Joseph Sulaqa and Mar Elias (both Catholics);
1562 : Mar
Abraham.
[4] Reedited three times after
his death (+1659): Paris (1686); Antwerp (1695 & 1709). Reproduced by
H.Denzinger, Ritus Orienatlium… Wurzburg, 1863-64, 2 Vols.;
Reprint, Graz (1961).
[5] See W.Wright, A catalogue
of the Syriac Manuscripts in the Library of the University of Cambridge, 2
Vols.; 1901; Vol. II, pp. 1037-1044.Library No. Oo.1.1.2. On this Syriac
manuscripts of Cambridge, see Van der Ploeg, p. 203-224;.Also F.C.Burkitt, “The
Buchanan MSS at Cambridge”, Kerala Society Papers Vol. 1 , ser. 1 (1928),
40-44.
B.Varghese, “Syriac Bible in India”, THE HARP
XIV (2004), 63-80; here 70-72.
[7] Paulinus A.S.Bartholmeo O.C.D., India
Orientalis Christiana, (Rome, 1794), 99-100. Quoted by Cyril Malancharuvil,
The Syro-Malankara Church (Alwaye, 1973), p.77, n. 12.
[8] Ibid. p. 106. Quoted by
Cyril Malancharuvil, op.cit., , p. 77, n. 14.
[9] François Nau, “ Deux notices relatives au
malabar » Revue de l’Orient Chrétien, 17 (1912), 77-81.
[10] Mar Gabriel died in 1729
and he was buried in the court yard of Kottayam Cheriapally. His tomb was in
the south-western corner of the courtyard until the end of 1970s.
[11] The letter of Mar Thoma
IV to the Antiochene Patriarch in 1709 was published in 1709 by Charles Schaaf
in 1714. Cf. Ralatio historica,
Leiden, 1714; Eng. Tr. in Thomas Yeats Indian Church History, London,
1818, pp. 152-54. Also German, pp. 534-536.
[12] J.S.Assemani, Bibliotheca
Orientalis, Vol. IV (Rome, 1728), pp. 466-367 ; Eng. Tr. in
G.T.Mackensie, Christianity in Travancore, Trivandrum, 1901, pp. 86-87.
[Reproduced in V. Nagam Ayia, Travancore State Manuel, Trivandrum, 1906,
Reprint, 1989), pp. 204-205
[13] Cfr. Cyril Malancharuvil,
p. 79-81.
[14] German, p. 551; Eng. Tr.
by Cyril Malancharuvil, p. 81, n.26.
[15] Quoted by Cyril p. 79;
cf. J.Hough, History of Christianity in India, London, 1839, Vol. 2, pp.
393-96; Brown, p. 118; German, p. 558.
[16] Cyril Malancharuvil, p. 82: Report of the
cardinal Secretary Nicholaus Zucarius presented in the particular meeting of
the S.Congregation of the Propaganda Fide on 16 Aug. 1750. This is a paper
based on the letter of Fr.Boniface, cf. APF, SOCP, (1750), vol. 109, fol. 3-14;
the original letter of Fr.Boniface to Bambibo Jesu OCD, is to be found , ibid.
ff. 90-92.
[17] German, p. 551.
[18] Ibid. p. 632; Cyril, p.
83.
[19] Paulinus, op.cit, p. 112.
[20] Cyril Malancharuvil, p. 85.
[21] Varthamanapusthakam.
[22] Cyril Malancharuvil, p. 88.
[23] Malankara
Edavakapatrika (ME), II-2 (1893, Kumbom 30), p. 22.
[25] Year not known. He was
consecrated bishop on December 3, 1876 by the Patriarch Peter.
[26] ME
XIX-8 (1910), 165-166.
[27] Sse ME VII-3 (1898); XI -6 (1902), 117-18. English
translation by B.Varghese, MOC Publications, Kottayam, 2011.
[28] ME. VIII-9 (1899); XI-6
(1902), 172-173.
[29] ME ME VIII-9 (1899).
[30] Jeevanikshepom I-2
(1902), p.4.
[31] ME V-2(1896), p.136.
[32] See the article (in
Malayalam) on “Syriac Printing” in ME 1902.
[33] ME XI-6( 1902), p. 119.
[34] ME XI-6 (1906), p.116.
[35] ME XIX (1910), 128-129.
[36] ME IX-4 (1900), p. 62.
[37] Syria text reprinted with
English translation and notes by: B.Varghese, “Moses bar Kepha: Commentary on
Baptism”, THE HARP XXIV (1009), 55-82.
[38] Jeevanikshepom, I-11
(1906), 2-4.
[39] For the Eucharist: Qurbana, anaphora, taksa, kasa, pilasa,
madbaha, darga, kabilana, marwahsa, sosappa, ammera, tablaita, haikla,
mhaimnika, sleeba, sleeha, sedra, masnapsa, kappa, beth kudsha.
Other services: Teshmeshtha, mamudisa, rasa, hasa,
qyamta, mashiha, ruha, bava (ava), kudasha, qauma, anida, episcoppa, kasheesha,
mapriana. Katholica.
\\o// Couldn't follow much of it reading; but make sense when "East to West" in the prevailing immigration and culture of living, it is about time the Lectionary is printed in English-
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