The CMS Missionaries and the Malankara Church (1815-1840)

          The CMS Missionaries and the Malankara Church (1815-1840)

                               (Revd.Dr.B.Varghese)

              Modern history of the Malankara Orthodox Church begins with the foundation of the Old Seminary in 1815. The theological education also entered a new phase and become more systematic and serious. Until the foundation of the Seminary, candidates for priesthood were trained in Malpan Veedu (a school under a Malpan or Syriac teacher, always a priest respected for his scholarship and piety). Historical evidences are scarce to trace the history of the Malpan Veedu before the beginning of the 19^th century.[1]

              In 1751, three Antiochene prelates named Baselius Sakrallah, Gregorios and Ivanios and a Cor-episcopos Geevarghese landed at Cochin. They stayed in Mar Thoman Church Mulanthuruthy for some time and trained several priests. It was these prelates and the Mulanthuruthy School that introduced the West Syriac script as well as the liturgical rites in the Malankara Church.

              In the last decades of the 18^th century, a Malpan school existed in Pazanji church under Malpan Mathai Kathanar Pulikkottil. Mar Joseph Dionysius, founder of the Seminary, was an alumnus of this school. After the demise of Mathai Kathanar, the school was shifted to the Old Church in Kunnamkulam under the initiative of Mar Dionysius, who was a priest –Ittoop Kathanar –in those days. Ramban Geevarghese Kuthoor served as its Malpan.

              Inn 1812, Colonel Munro, the British Resident in Travancore and Cochin sent seventeen questions to Mar Thoma VIII (d.1816) regarding the history, administration, faith and practices of the Syrian Church, to which the Metran replied on 20^th April 1812. Regarding the clergy and their training, he replied that three Malpans had been authorized for this purpose:

“ For the instruction of the clergy, in the North Malpan Konat Varghese Kathanar, and in the South Pallipadu Philipose Kathanar and Maramon Palakunnathu Varghese Kathanar teach the four Gospels in general. There are (priests) who learn more and also who learn less. Apart from this, we have no other place for the purpose”.[2]

Late Metran’s fortieth day of demise was observed at Kandanadu on Chingom, 1, 985 (= 1809 mid-August) and all the churches of Malankara were invited to be present.[3]  An agreement known as Padiyola was signed of which one of the resolutions was to establish two Padithaveedu  (Schools or Seminaries).

Kandanadu Padiyola and the Preparations for the Foundation of a Seminary

              In 1809 (M.E. 984 Mithunam 22) Mar Thoma VII passed away at Kandanadu. Two days before his death, a priest named Thoma was made his successor. The ordination led to a controversy, as Thoma was related to the Pakalomattom family (to which all the bishops since 1653 and even before belonged) through maternal line and also because he was ‘ordained’ by an unconscious bishop at his deathbed, whose hand had been placed on him. Next day Pulikkottil Ittoop (= Joseph) Kathanar and a group of clergy met the British Resident Macaulay and submitted a petition. This led to a controversy and the meeting of Kandanadu was mainly aimed at finding a solution. According to the Syrian Church case (Seminary case), Resident Macaulay took the initiative to call the meeting.[4]

The meeting adopted eleven resolutions of which the 9^th was regarding the foundation of two ‘seminaries’:

“ For the common benefits of the Syrians two schools (Padithaveedukal) shall be established – one in the North and one in the South – and Malpans shall stay there to instruct the children and the deacons the doctrines. Their expenses shall be met by regular contributions from the churches. As they master the liturgical ordo of the Church, the deacons and the priests shall get letters from the Malpans and be authorized to celebrate the sacraments by the concerned authorities”.[5]

Subsequent developments suggest that this resolution might have been passed under the initiative of Pulikkottil Ittoop Kathanar. As we will se, he was very keen to find it executed. For the reconciliation between Mar Thoma VIII and his rivals, the Kandanadu meeting resolved that Ittoop Kathanar shall be professed Ramban and that the new Ramban and Kayamkulam Philipose Ramban shall assist the Metran in the administration of the Church. Accordingly, on Sunday 15^th Chingom, 985 (=1809), Ittoop Kathanar was professed Ramban by Mar Thoma VIII. The two Rambans assisted the Metran for about one and a half years. Then they broke away with the Metran and a division took place between ‘Metran party’ and the Ramban party (led by Ittoop Ramban).

              Mar Thoma VIII and a few leaders met the British Resident Col.Macaulay and discussed the possibility of inviting a bishop from Antioch to regularize his consecration. Macaulay had replied that if the Metran and the churches make an official request, he should follow up. The Resident also informed the Metran that he had decided to deposit an amount of 3,000 star pagodas (Poovarahan) with the East India Company as a perpetual loan ‘for the education of the Syrian Christians and for the charitable works’. This deposit was known as the Syrian Fund or Vattipanam, that is deposit on interest.[6]

              Mar Thoma VIII took no initiative in starting the seminaries or sending invitation to Antioch. Chakkarayakathu Ittoop Kathanar from Angamaly was the trusted adviser of the Metran and rumors spread that they were meditating on some “new initiatives”. Ittoop Ramban and Philipose Ramban were unhappy about this development and they complained to Col. Macaulay and later to his successor Col. John Munroe (1810-19). Having been disappointed, Ittoop Ramban withdrew to Kunnamkulam and stayed at the Arthattu church.

              Meanwhile, Col. Macaulay handed over the receipt of the Syrian Fund to Mar Thoma VIII and was instructed to receive the yearly interest at a rate of 8% per year from 1809 onwards. Due to the disputes with Ittoop Ramban, the Metran was able to collect the interest of only one-year (1809).

              Ittoop Ramban leveled two accusations against the Metran: the Metran did not take the initiative to implement the decision to start the Seminaries; and he did not write to Antioch to get a bishop to regularize his consecration. A few lay leaders met the Metran on Kumbom 1, 985 (mid-February 1809) and apprised him of the accusations and urged him to start the Seminaries, as the priests were practically incapable of fulfilling their pastoral responsibilities. They also discussed the ways to meet the expenses of the construction of the buildings of the Seminaries. Metran’s reply was encouraging. He said: “ If you decide what I should do, I shall abide by it. We have already decided to found two Seminaries: one in the North and another in the South. For this purpose, the interest (of the vattipanam) of one year, which I have with me, could be spent, according to the decision of all”. Accordingly, Ittoop Ramban was informed that about 1,000 Rupees was at hand, and he was requested to arrive as soon as possible to supervise the construction. Ramban promptly reached at Kandanadu.[7]

              Obviously this was a means of reconciliation between the Metran and the Ramban. Ittoop Ramban met the Metran, who asked him to wait till Munro arrives from the South. They did not have any further discussions on the matter. Ramban found it difficult to stay at Kandanadu till the arrival of Munro and left for Kunnamkulam leaving the following letter for the Metran:

“A circular shall be sent to all churches to convoke them to decide on the letter to be sent to Antioch and all the Malpans and the representatives of the parishes shall sign it and the absentees shall also be asked to do so. The letter shall be handed over to the Resident (Munro). Seminary shall be built and Philipose Ramban shall be appointed (as Malpan). Each church shall be asked to send at least one priest, one deacon and one child and their instruction should be started soon. Festal Breviary (Andu Taksa) shall urgently be re-copied and be distributed to the churches. If necessary funds are available, the construction of the Seminary could be completed within four months and the teaching could be commenced”.[8]

Ittoop Ramban concluded his letter saying that if none of the above suggestions are implemented, he shall serve the Chattukulangara church instead of wandering here and there and wasting time.

              The letter throws light into the personality of Ittoop Ramban, who was not at all ambitious to become the head of the Seminary. We should remember that Malpan’s office was always a prestigious one. Though he suggested Philipose Ramban’s name for this post, he expressed his willingness to supervise the construction of the building.

              Meanwhile Munro arrived at Alwaye and Ittoop Ramban and his party met him and submitted a new petition against the Metran. Later Metran and his men came and complained that Ramban was insubordinate.[9] Munro asked both the parties to keep restraint and ordered to hold a meeting of reconciliation at Puthiacavu church, Mavelikara in July 1811 (ME 986 Mithunam). The Resident sent letters to Philipose Ramban and Ittoop Ramban asking them to be present at the meeting. But they replied that their presence might cause further disputes. In the following years both parties continued to submit petitions to Col. Munro[10].  Finally he heard their arguments. Gradually Ittoop Ramban won the respect and friendship of Munro. He might have been convinced that Ramban is the right person to execute his plans concerning the Syrian Church of Malabar. Ramban told the Resident that if necessary funds and permission are granted, he could build the Seminary and stay there to train the clergy. Soon he prepared a plan of the proposed building and got Munro’s approval.[11] 

              Meanwhile, Kidangan Geevarghese Kathanar of the Arthattu church an ally of the Metran, broke away with him, and went to Anjoor. In 1811, he was consecrated bishop by Mar Philexenos (Cheeran) of the Anjoor Church. The new bishop also was called Philexenos.[12]

Colonel Munro and the Malankara Church

              Col. Munro was appointed British Resident in Travancore in 1810, and he held the office till 1819. He had a special interest in the case of the Syrian Christians. P.Cherian summarises Munro’s plans:

“ Shortly after Col. Munro’s appointment in 1810 as the British Resident in Travancore and Cochin, the Syrian Christians began to attract his attention. His Protestant instincts were aroused at once; and he began to wish ardently for a religious reformation among the Syrians, in the hope that in this manner missionaries could be obtained from among them for the evangelization of the country. He promptly came to the conclusion that the translation of the Bible into Malayalam and the establishment of an efficient system of education were the first requisites for bringing about the desired reformation”.[13]

              According to C.M.Agur, the scheme for a Seminary or College seems to have first originated with Revd.W.T.Ringeltaube, the first missionary of the London Missionary Society in Travancore, who worked in South India, especially in Nagercoil.[14]

If we can believe Agur’s words, Ringeltaube proposed it to Col. Munro among various other reforms. Mar Thoma VIII, while staying at Omalloor, sent a messenger all the way to Mylaudy (near Nagercoil) with a long letter to Mr.Ringeltaube seeking his friendship and influence with Col. Munro.

              According to Agur, Ringeltaube did not believe that Mar Thoma’s management of the Syrian Church would result in any good. He made proposals to Munro for the better management, investment of the funds of the Syrian Church to secure an annual grant to support the Bishop and the priests and to establish a Seminary. Ringeltaube also proposed to send a dozen Syrian priests to Madras to be trained under an English chaplain.[15]

              However, Munro was very keen to translate the Bible into Malayalam and to establish a Seminary. It was obviously his plans for a Seminary that made him a well-wisher of Ittoop Ramban.

Construction begins

              Col. Munro was impressed with the enthusiasm and the ability of Ittoop Ramban to execute the foundation of the Seminary. Ramban was entrusted with the responsibility of building the Seminary. Munro handed over to him 960 star pagodas (Rs.3360), being the interest of the vatipanam for four years (1809-1813). An amount of Rs.3360 was borrowed from the churches of Kandanadu, Mulanthuruthy, Nadamel, Karingachira and Kunnamkulam, as well as from Kochittan Itty Mathu Tharakan from Pala.[16] Following the recommendation of Col. Munro, Rani Parvathi Bhai of Travancore gave orders to the Tahsildar to give a land of 6 dandu (about 15 acres) in Kottayam to the Ramban, in a venue that the latter chooses. Thus the land was received as a donation from the Queen. One hundred slaves (Pulayas) were given for manual labour.[17]

              It would be interesting to note how the Missionary Register of 1821 introduced Kottayam to its readers: “ A village in Malabar coast; about 18 miles from Allepie, and near the new Syrian College…. to contain 300 inhabitants; but ascertained, from more recent and exact communications, to comprehend, taking in a small circuit round from 900 to 1000 houses (p.63).

              The foundation stone was laid on 3^rd Kumbom 989 (Mid-February 1813). Some of the followers of Ittoop Ramban desired to have the Seminary built somewhere near Kandanadu.[18] But following Munro’s wish, Ramban chose the present site of the Old Seminary.[19]

              The building was partially completed in March 1814 (ME. Meenom  990).[20] Though Ittoop Ramabn wanted to invite Mar Philexenos of Anjoor to stay and to give leadership for the instruction in the Seminary, Mar Thoma VIII objected. Consequently Ramban himself assumed the responsibility. He invited a few deacons and the studies had begun soon.[21]

              Meanwhile, Ittoop Ramban went to Anjoor and was consecrated bishop by his friend Mar Phiexenos at the Pazhanji church on Meenom 9, 990 (March 1815). The new bishop was named Mar Dionysius, and he soon returned to Kottayam to resume his responsibility. Mar Thoma VIII was deadly sad at this development and protested. Though he submitted a petition to Munro against Mar Dionysius, the Resident ignored it. We can rightly think that Ittoop Ramban was consecrated with the knowledge and support of Munro.  Mar Thoma VIII, broken hearted and ill, consecrated his uncle Ipe Kathanar with the name Mar Thoma IX and died on Tulam 12, 991 (October 1815) at Niranam.[22] On 21^st Makaram (February 1816), a royal decree was issued, thanks to the recommendation of the Resident, confirming Mar Dionysius’ consecration.

Funds and donations

              The available documents provide different information (not always contradictory) regarding the sources of the funds of the Seminary. Ittoop, being a near contemporary witness to the foundation of the Seminary needs special attention. He gives a list of the donations that the Seminary had received from the East India Company and the Government of Travancore.[23]

1. 3000 Star Pagodas that Mar Thoma VIII had deposited in 1808 with the East India Company, at the initiative of Col.Macaulay.
2. Rs.8000 being the share of the compensation that was paid to the Thiruvalla church.[24]
3. Rs.20, 000 was paid by the Government of Travancore, which included 80,000 panam that the Government had to pay to Thachil Mathu Tharakan, a rich Roman Catholic businessman who fell victim to popular rage and royal disgrace. As he had no legal heir to claim the amount, it was donated to the Seminary, of course at the intervention of Munro.
4. The Ranee of Travancore donated the land where the seminary was built, as well as a large property (“Munro Island”) in Kallada, in 1818.
5. An amount of over Rs.14, 000 was collected from England at the initiative of Joseph Fenn for various works including the training of the clergy and the printing of the Bible.

              In fact when the construction had begun, the interest of the Syrian Fund and a similar amount collected by Ittoop Ramban were the only funds available. The other donations were added from 1816 onwards. A word of clarification is needed about the items 2 and 3.

             

              In his letters addressed to the Missionaries, Munro refers to the funds granted to the Seminary. Regarding the source of item 2 (= Rs.8, 000), it is qualified as ‘donation’. In none of his letters, Munro says that it was part of the compensation paid to the Thiruvalla church. In 1813, the British Resident J.S.Fraser, in his letter addressed to the Acting Diwan, refers to it as a donation made by the Ranee in 1816 at the recommendation of the Resident Munro[25].

               In a letter to Rev.Norton (Feb. 13, 1817), Munro expressed his desire regarding the expenditure of the funds: “ It is my desire that the donation of Rs.8, 000 should have been entirely laid out in the purchase of lands for the support of the College, and the buildings should have been gradually erected from the interest of the company’s bond of 3,000 Pagodas”.[26] In another letter, Munro said that this investment was made to support 40 or 50 students.[27] Later a donation of rs.2000 was added to it. Thus Munro wrote to Norton: “ I believe that a donation of (2000) Two Thousand Rupees may still be expected to be made to the Syrians from the same source that supplied the last donation of

 Rs.8, 000.[28] Here Munro does not say that the amount was a donation from the Ranee. Therefore, Ittoop’s version of the origin of the fund seems to be credible.

              Regarding the donation of Rs.20, 000 (or 21,200), we have the copy of the original letter written by Ranee Parvathi Bhai to Col. Munro. WE shall quote from it:

“ We have received your letter stating that, in the amount remitted from State funds to the Company’s treasury on account of subsidy due to the Company and in the loan account, it is seen that there is a difference of Rs.21, 200, that it is not definitely known how the difference arose, that nevertheless if it is found that the amount rightly belongs to the State funds, it is the Colonel’s desire that it should be returned to the State funds, and further that if we of your own accord give the said amount for the maintenance expenses of the Kottayam Seminary it would enhance our reputation in the country and increase the friendship of the Company towards us… Now it is our wish that the said amount of Rs.21, 200, due to the State funds out of the amount remitted to the Company’s Treasury should be given towards the expenses of the Kottayam Seminary, it is requested that this amount should be given and arrangements be made for the proper discharge of Seminary expenses. (Dated) 28^th Kumbom 993 (March 1818)”.[29]

Seminary under Pulikkottil Mar Joseph Dionysius

              The building of the Seminary was partially completed by March 1814, and according to Ittoop, the instruction begun soon (1814?).[30] Apparently Mar Thoma VIII was not present at the laying on of the foundation (Feb.1813), or at the beginning of the studies.

              On 19^th June 1816, Revd.Thomas Norton paid his first visit to Kottayam to examine the progress of the College and to call on Mar Dionysius, who received him very kindly. In their first meeting, Mar Dionysius asked Norton whether the missionaries intend to ‘steal his people as the Portuguese did. Norton replied that he had come to redress the harms caused by the Romans.[31] In his report Norton wrote: “ The bishop expects it to be completed in about six months”.[32] About the students, he reported that there were 25 and that many more were expected. Norton wrote on their studies:

“They were reading Syriac and I could not but look at them with earnest prayers that it might please God, by the grace of His Holy Spirit, to make them true ministers of Jesus Christ and send them through out the Syrian churches…”.[33]

              In August 1816, Norton paid a second visit to Kottayam to discuss with the Metran on a system of education. He reports that there were 30 students and two teachers. The translation of the scripture had just begun.[34] From a letter of Norton (Feb.28, 1817), we know that he had suggested a plan, with the approval of the Resident, to Mar Dionysius to start instruction in English for a few of the deacons and school masters. However, English education had not begun during the lifetime of Mar Dionysius, who passed away on 24^th November 1816.[35] Under Mar Dionysius, the main activity in the Seminary seems to be the translation of the Scriptures. The instruction consisted of elementary lessons in Syriac language and liturgy. On 19^th July 1816, Munro wrote to Mr. Thompson, Secretary of the Corresponding Committee of the CMS:

“I have repeatedly urged the Bishop Joseph to hasten the translation of the Scriptures; but I fear, from his age and infirmities, that we cannot expect the completion of the work until Mr. Norton shall be enabled by his knowledge of Malayalam to take some part in the superintendence of it. Mr. Norton has visited the College at Kottayam, and will have informed you of its state. I trust that a system of instruction on an extended scale will be commenced there in the course of this year”.[36]

              As we have seen, the building was not completed during the lifetime of Mar Dionysius. Similarly the construction of the chapel was begun by Mar Dionysius and was completed after his death. On 13^th March 1817, Munro wrote to Norton: “ The late Metran (= Mar Dionysius) informed me that he had begun to build a church at the College. I don’t know what progress has been made in its erection”.[37] As the works were not complete, Munro promised financial assistance. Thus in May 1817, he wrote to Norton:

“I should also wish to receive an estimate of the sum necessary for the completion of the College and the erection of a church contiguous to it. I shall be able to procure a donation, I hope to those purposes.”[38]

              Benjamin Bailey who arrived at Kottayam in November 1816, a few days after the demise of Mar Dionysius, must have played a part in the completion of the building and the chapel. In a letter addressed to Bailey, Munro gave the following instruction:

“ You have stated that 400 Rupees will be sufficient to finish the building of the College, and 500 Rupees to erect a church, and I am happy to inform you that I have procured a donation of 1,000 Rupees to the College which sum will be sent to you from my Treasury at Quilon. I request that it may be applied under your personal direction in completing these works with the least possible delay. I request you to know if any assistance is necessary to enable you to build the church with expedition. Lieut. Gordon will be disposed to furnish you with every facility in his power towards the execution of that work. I shall be happy to learn from you at what time you expect the College and the church to be ready and completed. You will exercise your discretion in building the church of such a size and form as you may judge to be expedient”[39].

              Obviously a donation of Rs.1, 000 was made by the Ranee. The chapel built by Mar Dionysius and completed by the Missionaries was much smaller than the present one and was detached from the main building. The present chapel was in fact built in the last decades of the 19^th century.

Colonel Munro and the Seminary

              Colonel Munro was genuinely interested in introducing English education among the Syrians and in translating the Scriptures from Syriac to Malayalam, using educated Kathanars. Though he was not a missionary, Munro was a committed Christian. He was a shrewd British official whose plan was to use the native Christians for his Government. He had political motivations behind the idea of the ‘Missions to the Syrians’, of which he is considered as the patron.[40] In a letter written in 1815 (to the CMS?) Munro revealed his plans: “ the diffusion of genuine Christianity in India …(is) a measure equally important to the interests of humanity and to the stability of our power”.[41] For Munro ‘genuine Christianity’ meant Protestantism, especially the Anglicanism. He was convinced that English education was necessary for its advancement: “ An efficient and extended system of education, particularly in the English language, will contribute more effectually than any other plan to the early and substantial advancement of the Protestant religion in India”.[42] In the same letter, Munro explained his plans regarding the Seminary:

“ The College proceeds under the present superintendence of the New Bishop, Joseph: and it is my intention to adopt the best measures in my power for placing in a state of efficiency, and combining its operations with a system of parish schools among the Syrians, which already exists in a certain degree and it is susceptible of much improvement. The principal object of the establishment of the College in Travancore was to instruct the Kathanars and officiating priests among the Syrians in a competent knowledge of the Syriac language in which they are at present too generally deficient (…). Another object was to procure copies of the scriptures in the Syriac language, and it was intended that the students in the course of their education should transcribe the Bible to the greatest possible extent (…). The laity was also to be taught the Syriac. The plan of the College was also intended to comprehend a system of instruction in Malayalam to priests and the laity, and of translating the scriptures and the religious books into that language for general circulation and use”[43].

              As we will see later, Munro wanted to have a Missionary at the head of the Seminary, who could eventually control the Metran and the Church. But during the lifetime of Mar Joseph Dionysius, Munro did not interfere very much in the administration of the Seminary and the Church. There might be two reasons behind it. Firstly, the Kottayam Mission had just started and he wanted time to win the confidence of the Syrians. Secondly, T. Norton was the only Missionary available at that time, and he was stationed in Alleppey.

              In his letters to Norton and to the CMS, Munro revealed his plans concerning the Seminary and the Syrian Church. But he did not seem to have regarded Norton as the suitable person for executing his plans, though he wanted him to supervise the translation of the scriptures from Syriac to Malayalam.[44] Munro patiently waited for the arrival of new missionaries who were suitable for the task. Thus on 22^nd January 1817, he wrote to Mr. Thompson:

“Our object is to establish on sure foundations, what I may term the head-quarters of the Travancore Mission; and I think that Alleppey is in every view, the best place for the purpose (….). At this place, and also perhaps at Kottayam, I propose that the new Missionaries that may arrive, shall fix their residence; and prosecute their studies. It is also necessary that an English Missionary should be fixed at Kottayam, and put into efficient superintendence over the Syrians and the College”.[45]

As an interim arrangement, Munro had chosen Benjamin Bailey to supervise the College. In March (13^th) 1817, he wrote to Norton:

 “ Regulations for the interior government of the College will be extremely necessary and I should be happy if Mr. Bailey would prepare some at his earliest convenience. Mr. Bailey should establish his personal residence at Kottayam without any delay, and assume the general supervision of the affairs of the College”.[46]

Within a few days, Bailey and his family moved over to Kottayam (March 1817).[47] In August 1817, Munro instructed Bailey to take control over the funds of the Seminary:

“ I must request that you will assume yourself the direction and management of all the funds belonging to the College, employing a Committee of principal authorities attached to it”.[48]

Beginning of the English Education

              As soon as Bailey settled down in Kottayam, the teaching of the English language was started at the Seminary. We can assume that the instruction has begun in March or April 1817. Thus in a letter on 29^th May 1817, Munro expressed his approval: “ I approve very much indeed of your commencing a course of instruction in the English language, and I request earnestly that you will continue it with vigour”.[49] However, systematic teaching of English would not have begun before the middle of 1818.[50]

Munro’s interest in the health of the inmates

              Munro paid attention to every aspect of the community life at the Seminary. Once he had to order compulsory vaccination for the inmates against smallpox. His letter to Bailey in this regard shows the attitude of the people of Travancore in the 19^th century towards the new form of medical treatment:

“I am exceedingly concerned at the Metropolitan’s illness:[51] but I encourage a confident hope that it has had a favourable termination. I am surprised at the prejudices manifested by the Syrians against vaccination: and I am of opinion that it will be very desirable that you should endeavour to remove their fears and doubts upon the subject. Doctor Proven has ordered some Native Vaccinators to be stationed at Kottayam and every person attached to the College, who has not had the smallpox, should be vaccinated immediately. I beg you will inform them that I have given orders to this effect; and that if they are not promptly executed, I shall be obliged to enforce them through Police. These people are so ignorant and weak that we must sometimes threaten them into their own good. I think, however, that if the Metropolitan exerted himself, the whole body of the Syrians would very soon be vaccinated”.[52]

Munro interferes in the affairs of the Church

              Munro was very careful to execute his plans regarding the Syrian Church. His ultimate intention was to reform the Syrian Church according to the Protestant principles and he found that education of the clergy was the best means to achieve his goal. Translation of the scriptures and the foundation of parish schools were part of this project. We have already noted that the traditional formation of the Syrian clergy was done at the Malpan Schools. Munro’s first step of ‘reformation’ was to suppress such schools and to centralize the training of the clergy. Thus he directed that all the deacons should study at the Seminary, and nobody shall be ordained without Seminary training. In 1817, he wrote to Bailey:

“ I request that all the pupils in the other churches may be called directly to the College and that no person shall be ordained as a priest unless he shall have passed some time at the College, and undergone a regular examination. You must see this and every other arrangement carried into effect; for be assured that whatever you leave to the discretion of the Syrians will be neglected”.[53]

 Munro and Punnathara Mar Dionysius

              Following the demise of Mar Joseph Dionysius, Munro wanted to have a Metropolitan who would be willing to co-operate with the Missionaries to execute his plans. However, as an interim arrangement, Mar Philexenos of Anjoor was invited to assume the responsibility, who readily accepted the offer. If we believe W.S.Hunt, it was Norton who suggested the name of Mar Philexenos as successor of Mar Dionysius.[54] But Munro preferred somebody who is more co-operative. Thus Punnathara George Kathanar, who had already been appointed as Archdeacon of Mar Philexenos, was chosen Munro. The Resident’s interference in the affairs of the Church is most clearly attested in a letter to Bailey:

“ I have the pleasure to receive several letters from you, and I shall at present reply to those dated 31^st May, and the 14^th July last. The former relates to the appointment of the Archdeacon George to the office of the Metropolitan, an arrangement which I consider to be highly desirable and necessary. The present Metropolitan from the state of his health and mind is evidently unable to afford the efficient aid and co-operation requisite for the proper execution of the plans which we have in view for the benefit of the Syrian Church. The Archdeacon appears to be a pious man, and to possess a degree of zeal and energy that will extremely useful in seconding your exertions. I do not apprehend that any dissention is likely to result from the appointment of George to the Metropolitan during the life of the present Metropolitan: the latter is desirous to resign the most laborious parts of his functions, and your advice and interposition would ensure the maintenance of harmony between the. I am therefore induced to recommend and request that you will intimate to the Metropolitan my wish for the early consecration of the Archdeacon George into the office of Metropolitan, and also for the adoption of the whole arrangement mentioned in your letter. According to that arrangement, the present Metropolitan will retire to his church, and resign into the hands of George the duties of ordaining priests, regulating the affairs of the Church in general, and superintending under your guidance the management of the College. I suppose that the Metropolitan is now at Kottayam and that the measures which I have described can be carried into immediate execution”.[55]

This important letter could be considered as a ‘charter’ given to Bailey to subdue the new Metropolitan and the Malankara Church. Munro was annoyed to learn that “the commands of the Metropolitan are little regarded by Kathanars in any case”. “A stricter system of discipline than has hitherto obtained in the Syrian Church, is obviously necessary”, he said. Munro offered ‘all the support’ to Bailey in this regard. Then he revealed his real intentions:

“ You may be assured that I shall afford all the support necessary to your proceedings; and I again request that you will assume a control and direction over the whole system of the discipline and Church-government of the Syrians employing of course the Metropolitan as your coadjutor. The first point to be attained is to establish invariable obedience to your commands: and I request that you will in conjunction with the Metropolitan address a circular letter to all the churches enjoining strict, uniform and implicit obedience to all your orders on pain of such penalties as you may think proper to establish. If any contumacy or neglect should be manifested by the Kathanars you will suspend them from office, and may report the case to the Resident who will adopt measures for their trial and punishment. All candidates for priests’ orders should be carefully examined by you before their ordination by the Metropolitan, and should be invariably rejected if found to be unqualified. All matters of internal church-government such as fines for crimes, etc., should be reported to you, and subjected to your consideration and decision. The reformation of the liturgy and forms of worship used by the Syrians may be deferred until a greater degree of knowledge than they possess at present is diffused among them. But you should make yourself master of those forms as soon as possible, and meditate upon the best means of bringing them back to the purer dictates of the Gospel. The Syrians manifest at present the best disposition to follow our advice: and they will, I am persuaded be easily induced by mild, conciliatory and rational means to relinquish all that is improper in their belief and ritual”.[56]

              This is in fact a charter given by the British Resident for the virtual take over of an Apostolic Church. However, Munro did not envisage making the Syrian Church part of the Anglican Church. In the same letter, he directed Bailey not to touch too much on the liturgical language and the forms of worship of the Syrians:

“ The Syrian Church presents an interesting remnant of an ancient Christian worship; and it is very much desirable that the use of the Syriac language, of the primitive forms of worship, and of its original system of Church-government should be carefully preserved. But the abuses introduced by the forced union of the Syrians with the Portuguese Roman Catholics, and by the extreme ignorance should be reformed without delay”.[57]

              Punnathara Mar Dionysius was consecrated on  Thulam 26, 993 (= Mid-November 1817). Soon the Travancore Government issues a proclamation confirming his office as Metropolitan.[58] Throughout his episcopate, the Missionaries freely visited the churches and preached, took the advantage of his ‘co-operation’. He was soon granted a monthly Salary of Rs.50 by the Missionaries to stay at the Seminary as a silent supporter of their plans. In 1818, Munro gave the following instruction to Bailey:

“ I am decidedly opinion that a salary of at least 50 Rupees should be allowed to the Metran from the funds of the College, and if you should concur in this opinion, I request that it may be entered in the Minutes of the College, and that the Salary may be regularly paid hereafter. The cordial assistance and co-operation of the Metran will be always useful to the prompt and effectual execution of any plan for the benefit of the Syrian Church: and the Salary which I have stated is the lowest that can be granted consistently with any regard for the comfort and dignity of the Metran.”[59]

In 1821, the salary was increased to 70 Rupees per month.[60] The administration of the Church was brought under the control of a Committee of Management, formed by Munro. The Committee consisted of the Metropolitan and the three Missionaries stationed at Kottayam (Bailey, Baker and Fenn). The British Resident and the Dewan of Travancore constituted the final court of appeal in all civil matters. The Committee worked well for some years. Agur sums up the results of this collaboration: “ The Metran (Punnathara) so cordially co-operated with the Missionaries that all their plans for the reformation of the Syrian Church progressed unimpaired”.[61]

 

 

 

Seminary Library

              Munro’s dream was to make the “Syrian College” (as the Seminary was called in the Missionary sources), one of the best educational institutions in the region. He planned to have a good library in the Seminary. In February 1817, he shared his ideas with Norton: “ I trust that a select library of English books will in short period of time be attached to the College at Kottayam”[62]. Munro and the Missionaries wrote to the Committee of the CMS in this regard. The Missionary Register of 1821 appealed to its readers to contribute books for the Seminary Library.[63]

           Col.Welsh who visited the Seminary between 1820 and 1830 describes the Library: “ On the second storey is a library containing two thousand two hundred and fifty elegantly-bound volumes of theology, astronomy, mathematics, history – and, in short, every science – in the English, French, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Malayalam, Persian, Arabic and German languages as well as a repository of scientific instruments containing globes, telescopes, an electrifying machine, air-pump, magic lantern, microscopes, etc., all of the best quality. The professors, or gentlemen of the Mission, have rooms upon this floor in which they examine the students, etc., and the present establishment consists of three English gentlemen (Messrs. Fenn, Bailey and Baker)… with a very clever young man, named Ryan, as Greek and Latin tutor, and various native assistants. In the same compound the English gentlemen have lately built a small chapel for their own use of the simplest and most modest construction, but perfectly adapted to the purpose of so small a congregation…”[64]

The entire library had been shifted to the New College (present CMS College) after 1838.

A Printing press at the Seminary

              Munro thought that a press is necessary to print the scriptures translated by the Kathanars at the Seminary and to publish tracts and books to propagate the Protestant doctrines and to provide textbooks for the Schools and the College.[65] In 1817, when the translation of a few books was ready, it was sent to Serampore to get printed at the famous Mission Press.[66] Munro planned to send a few Kathanars to Calcutta to be trained in printing:

“ The present plan is to send the translation when completed to Calcutta and to send with it some learned Kathanars who would superintend and correct the impression and might also learn the art of printing. After the impression is made, the types may perhaps be presented to the College at Kottayam: and with this view it will be desirable that some of the Kathanars should be instructed in the business of printing. It would be also useful if they learned to make paper and bind books”.[67]

              The missionaries, for their part, wrote to the Church Missionary Society, and the press arrived in October 1822 (three years after Munro had retired and left Travancore).

It came by way of Bombay to Alleppey and finally reached Kottayam. The next step was to get Malayalam type. The Madras Government had obtained from Serampore the apparatus for making moulds. Unfortunately, the Malayalam fount casted by the Government was defective. But Bailey was determined and patient. He had never seen a type foundry. With the help of a few books on printing, chiefly the Encyclopedia Britannica, a common carpenter and two silversmiths, Bailey casted the founts. The same team made a press also, which though primitive in look was used for many years and is still preserved as a monument in the CMS Press, Kottayam. The Press was initially installed at the Seminary and was shifted to the site of the present CMS Press after the Cochin award of 1840.

A Hospital attached to the Seminary?

              V.Nagam Aiya makes a passing reference to the existence of a hospital: “ In 1815, Rani Lakshmi Bai made a donation of Rs.20, 000 to the funds of the College and a monthly grant of Rs.70 for the hospital attached to it”.[68]  Nagam Aiya does not mention the source of this information. W.S.Hunt also speaks of a grant of “Rs.70 p.m. for a hospital attached to the College”.[69] However, we do not know, whether this hospital ever functioned.

Finance of the Seminary

              WE have already noted that the Rani of Travancore had donated about 29,000 Rupees in three installments, under the influence of Col.Munro. In that amount Rs.1, 000 was spent for the building of the Seminary and the Chapel. The remaining amount was invested in land, so that the Seminary gets regular income. The land of the Seminary and the Munro Island in Kallada were also received as grants from the Government of Travancore. As we have already seen, by 1816, Munro ensured that the Seminary gets a regular income for the support of 40 to 50 students. Munro acted as if the Seminary is an institution under his supervision. Apparently Mar Philexenos of Anjoor was staying in the Seminary since the demise of Joseph Mar Dionysius. Munro had completely ignored him and Norton was asked to have ‘strict control over all the disbursements at the College’. With the arrival of Bailey and the consecration of Punnathara Mar Dionysius, the control became almost absolute. Norton and Bailey apprised the Resident of the disbursements. Thus in a letter addressed to Bailey (6^th August 1817), Munro made the following remarks:

“ The account of the College contained in your letter of the 14^th July is not quite so promising as I had expected: and great exertions are necessary on the part of all, in order to give proper effect to that institution”.[70]

Then the Resident discussed the means to increase the income to meet the expenses of the students and the teachers:

“ With respect to (…) the maintenance of at least 50 students at the College, I am unable to express a decided opinion until the state of the accounts is submitted to me. According to your calculation about 1,000 chukrums per annum will be requisite for the maintenance of each student, making 50,000 chukrums, or about 2,000 Rupees, necessary for the annual maintenance of 50 students, besides the pay of schoolmasters. I am very desirous to purchase lands in the name and on the part of the College sufficient to produce that annual income and I shall be obliged to you to make enquiries regarding the terms on which lands could be procured for that purpose. The lands should, if possible, be situated in the vicinity of the College(….). I am in hopes of being able to procure a considerable donation of money to the College; and if I should succeed I shall be desirous of vesting the money in the purchase of lands as an endowment for the support of the College, and the masters and students attached to it. I conclude that land may be procured near Kottayam at the rate of about ten or twelve years’ purchase: and that for 20,000 Rupees a sufficient extent of ground may be purchased to yield an annual income of 1,500 or 2,000 Rupees. But the present funds and resources of the College must be carefully examined: and rendered as productive as may be practicable. The sum of 240 Pagodas is paid annually to the Syrians from my treasury on account of the Bond of 3,000 Pagodas vested in the Company’s funds: and that sum of 240 Pagodas should be entirely appropriated to the College (…). I must again request that you will assume yourself the direction and management of all the funds belonging to the College; employing with you a Committee of the principal authorities attached to it”.[71]

The Missionary Register of December 1821 gives a summary of the annual expenses of the Seminary:

“ The principal expenses of the College are, the salaries of the Metropolitan at 70 Rupees per month, of the senior Malpan at 20 Rupees per month, and of the servants required at the College, amounting altogether to 170 Rupees and upward. Then expenses of each student per day are one chukrum and three-quarters, besides their clothes and other incidental expenses”.[72]

Following the request from the missionaries, on 17^th October 1821, the Corresponding Committee of the CMS granted “ a quarterly allowance of 125 Rupees, to supply the deficit in the resources of the College at Cotym”.[73]

Seminary under Benjamin Bailey (March 1817 – October 1818)

              Bailey was the first English head of the “Syrian College”. He and his wife resided in the Seminary, where Mar Philexenos of Anjoor was already living. The Baileys might have lived there until the arrival of Joseph Fenn and family in October 1818, when both of the families moved over to the houses specially built for them. The Baileys shifted to a bungalow, where the CNI is situated and Fenns to another one, which later became the residence of the Principal of the CMS College.[74]

              As we have already noted, Munro gave instruction to Bailey to take control of the affairs of the Seminary and the Church. Though Bailey started a course in English at the Seminary, immediately after his arrival, instructions became regular and systematic only in 1818. As Agur says: “ Though Mr.Bailey devoted himself to the instructions of the Kathanars, he was chiefly engaged in literary work, the translation of the Scriptures, the Book of Common Prayer & c. into Malayalam and the compilation of dictionaries”.[75]

              During his tenure as ‘Principal’ of the seminary, Bailey could not contribute much, as he did not have sufficient knowledge of Syriac and Malayalam. However, he mastered both in a couple of years. His important contribution to the ‘Mission’ was that he could win the confidence of the Syrian clergy and to prepare the ground for ‘reformation’ under Fenn. In the words of Hunt: “ Mr.Fenn found on his arrival, that he (Bailey) had secured a degree beyond what could have been reasonably expected, the confidence of the Syrian clergy, no easy matter”.[76]

Seminary under Joseph Fenn (October 1818 – 1826)

              Joseph Fenn was a successful barrister before becoming a missionary. It was Claudius Buchanan’s Christian Researches that impelled him to offer himself to the Church Missionary Society.[77] In 1816, he was ordained and in 1817, he sailed for Madras with his wife. Fenns reached Kottayam in October 1818. They took abode in the Seminary for sometime before moving into the present Bungalow of the CMS College.[78]

              It was under Fenn that the branches of instruction as desired by Munro were introduced. English education, which was already started under Bailey, became systematic. Thus the instruction of English language had begun for the first time in Kerala in 1818. The prospect of the Serampore College was issued in 1818, and it was opened in 1821. The Nagercoil Seminary, forerunner of the Scott Christian College was started in 1819.[79]

              In fact the English education was introduced not merely for the sake of the clergy. The Government of Travancore, especially the Resident, looked to the Seminary as a place to train English-speaking officials. This has been mentioned by the CMS Corresponding Committee for the year 1818, which insisted that ‘several branches of instruction foreign to a missionary’s office and objects must be provided’.[80]

              Mr. Fenn seems to have assumed charge as Principal, immediately on his arrival. Mr. Bailey spent most of his time to translation and to printing, which was begun a little late in the Seminary itself. Fenn’s first report mentions that three or four of the best students were learning English and that he himself taught three hours daily. Two young men from Madras, named Jones and Hamilton were appointed as English masters.[81] The Missionary Register of December 1821 contains a report of the Missionaries, which gives a clear picture of the Seminary:

“ The number of students is 42; of whom, 21 have passed through the five initiatory ordinations. Their improvement has been tolerably good. Some can read English as well as the generality of our youths, and are making advances in the real knowledge of it. All have acquired some knowledge of Figures: and some can go through the first four Rules of Arithmetic, according to our mode and in our language, with the same readiness as Youth at home. In Sanskrit and Malayalam, the progress is fair. With regard to Syriac, we have hitherto refrained from any interference in the mode of teaching: but an alteration is absolutely necessary: no grammar is taught: the progress is uncommonly slow; and the knowledge acquired of no use beyond the simple translation of the parts of Scripture which have been learnt: as the best foundation of a change, we have directed the attention of the most proficient student to study Latin language. Dr. Watt’s First and Second Catechism for children are among the books, which the students are learning; and, though simple in themselves, they contain what the students have hitherto been very ignorant of. The Committee will be pleased to hear that the application of many of the students has been great. Many of them, not more than 12, 13 or 14 years old, were up till twelve o’clock of a night, learning the tasks assigned to them.”[82]

              The Anglicans themselves criticized the use of Watt’s Catechism as the text for the Eastern Clergy.[83] Fenn found that a basic text is necessary and no equally simple manual was available. The little book long continued to be employed by the Missionaries. In 1822, Bailey, Fenn and Baker jointly sent the following report on the Seminary to the British Resident Col. Newall:

The College was begun by the late Metropolitan Mar Dionysius; and continued by the present Metropolitan under the patronage of the late British Resident Colonel Munro. It was endowed with extensive grants of land and money by Her Highness the Rani; and is now in operation under the eye of the Metropolitan, who resides in it as its head. The establishment consists of two Malpans or Syriac doctors, who, besides their lectures in Syriac officiate daily in the College Chapel; a learned Jew of Cochin, Teacher of Hebrew, toward which language the attention of the Malpans and others is excited; two native teachers of Sanskrit, an English teacher and his assistant. It is in contemplation to introduce the study of the Latin and Greek languages and a general acquaintance with European Literature. The number of students is 51. 18 of who have received the initiatory ordinations; and from the experience, which we have already had, we feel fully justified in expressing our conviction, that the students will prosecute their studies with credit to themselves and the Institution. The annual revenue of the College, consisting of the interest arising from the investment of the Royal Grants above alluded to and from other sources, amounts to somewhat more than 2500 Rupees; and its expenditure, including the expenses of the Metropolitan and his attendants, exceeds 4500 Rupees. The excess of the expenditure is borne by the Church Missionary Society. Even with this assistance, the funds of the College are by no means sufficient. The building itself requires great alterations and improvements. The commencement of a very valuable library has been made; the completion of which, will, of course be a matter of considerable expenses. No income has yet accrued from the Royal Grant of the property near Quilon; on the contrary, it has been a very heavy burden upon the funds of the College, and will require the laying out of a much larger sum before it can be made productive”.[84]

Bailey and others conclude their report with the hope that the Seminary will soon become an Institution of high academic standard:

“We beg leave to observe that (….) considerable hope is entertained, that it will eventually be under the immediate guidance of men of regular academical habits, and of acknowledged reputation for learning in our English Universities”.[85]

              Col.Newal was not favourably disposed to the Mission. Therefore, the Missionaries had kept silence regarding their works in the Syrian Church and their control of the Seminary and the Metropolitan.

              The Missionaries always wanted to maintain high standard of education. In 1824, Mr.Fenn wrote: ‘ The great desiratum, which has been ever kept in view, has been the promoting of habits of study and the reflection and investigation, as well as the inspiring of a certain confidence in their natural powers’. For this reason, he thought that Latin should be taught. It was expected to promote thinking as opposed to memorizing.[86]

              Col.Welsh, who visited the Seminary several times in 1820s, write that he was present at the examination of seven native students, apparently between the ages of fourteen and seventeen. ‘The first book was Virgil, which they were learning; a passage from Caesar’s Commentaries, which they had never read before it was given to them, which they immediately rendered into good English. They showed a surprising proficiency in the grammars of two languages equally foreign to them’[87].

              Richard Collins wrote on the subjects taught in 1826:  “ The subjects read by the first class in 1826 were Virgil, Horace, Xenophon, St John’s Gospel, Syriac (including instruction in the mode of performing mass, with various crossings, waving of the hands, bowing, incensing, & c.), English, Elucid and history. A great attempt was made to cultivate the mind, but little regard to theology”.[88]

This shows that the Missionaries did not interfere with the traditional training in liturgical ceremonies given to the candidates for priesthood. Collins adds that the Missionaries were careful not to irritate the Syrians.[89] But they wanted to introduce more courses in Theology. In 1825, Fenn wrote:

“ Catechisms, portions of the Scriptures and homilies they read and learn, but the study of theology as a science, seems to me the last which should be taught, and till the mind is little enlarged, and emancipated from prejudice and passion”.[90]

              Unlike the Latin Portuguese Missionaries, hasty actions and take over by force were not part of the policy of the Anglican Missionaries. Their method was gradual reformation through education and persuasion. Though virtual take over was planned and directed by Munro, later the Missionaries seem to have been cautious. They made diplomatic statements regarding their relationship with the Syrians. Thus Fenn said: “ It is the College of the Syrian Church, not of the Mission. The Missionaries have identified themselves with Syrian Community, and have lived on that close and intimate footing with the prelates of the Church that all the affairs of it came under their notice”.[91]

Fenn and the Mavelikara Assembly of 1818

              On December 3, 1818, more than 700 laymen and 40 Kathanars assembled at Mavelikara, following a circular issued by Punnathatra Mar Dionysius. The assembly was convened a few days after his consecration, which took place in Mid-November 1818 (ME 993 Thulam 26). The purpose of the assembly (obviously convened following the advice of the Missionaries) was to present the project of reformation and to get the approval. Fenn and Bailey assumed the direction of the Assembly. Richard Collins writes:

“ The Metropolitan took his seat in front of them, with Mr.Fenn and Mr.Bailey on either side of him. After the litany had been read by Mr.Bailey and the First Epistle to Timothy by two Kathanars, Mr.Fenn delivered through an interpreter an address, in which he suggested many important measures for the benefit and restoration of the Church. Amongst other things it was now proposed that six of the elder Kathanars should be appointed to define, in conjunction with the Metran and Malpan, the existing rites and ceremonies, and worship of the Syrian Church, in order that every part of them might be canvassed by them and the missionaries, and brought to the test of Scripture”.[92]

              The Metran was ignored and Fenn addressed the Assembly and exhorted the participants for reformation. But the response was very cold. Collins continues: “ It does not appear, however, that very much was accomplished by this conference”.[93]

              In spite of the dissatisfaction of the Kathanars, Punnathara Mar Dionysius continued to extent his support to the Missionaries. James Hough, who visited Travancore in 1820, called on the Metran and asked: “ Have you any improvements to suggest in the College regulations, the mode of instruction, or in any other part of the measures now pursued?”. His reply was: “ No, none, whatever”.[94]

Seminary under Dr.John William Doran (1826-1830)

              Dr.John William Doran, the first graduate Missionary of the CMS, was Fenn’s successor. He was an MA of Trinity College, Dublin and received a DD after his return home. Dr.Doran’s report gives us the clearest view we possess of the Seminary at its working at that time. We shall quote the summary given by Hunt:

“ In Class I, there highest were five students whose ages ranged from seventeen to twenty and who had been in the institution from 1820 0r 1820. Two of them were deacons. Their Latin subjects were Virgil and Horace; their Greek ones St John’s Gospel and Xenophon; they learnt also Syriac, English, Euclid and History. In Class II were seven students, studying Virgil, Greek Grammar, Sanskrit, English, Arithmetic and Geography. In Class III were four students, all deacons, studying Caesar, Syriac and English. In Class IV the leading boy out of four was a Nayar of great talents and good disposition. In Class V and VI were six and twenty-one students respectively who learnt Latin, Sanskrit, English, Arithmetic and Geography, except the deacons who learnt Syriac and English only. Their ages ranged from twenty down to eight, a heterogeneous lot suddenly promoted to the College from the grammar school and parish schools to take the places of students who had struck against a new rule as to their dress”.[95]

Doran like his predecessors and successors, was amazed at the ease with which most of the students memorized: “ thinking was not their strong point: whereof, they did not shine at Mathematics”. There were 103 youths under Doran. Col. Welsh and Archdeacon Robinson, who visited the Seminary during Doran’s time, were very much impressed with the Library and the quality of the education.[96]

Doran’s Successors

              Doran retired invalid in 1830. As Bailey left for England on furlough (1830-1833), Baker was the sole Missionary left in Kottayam. James Baker Morewood, a Missionary who had recently joined the Kottayam Mission was put in charge of the Seminary. One day a young deacon had committed some offence and Morewood beat him. This provoked the students, who quitted the Seminary almost en masse. Soon Baker assume charge, confidence was restored and the students returned to the institution. In that time out of 100 students, 50 were deacons.[97] From the beginning of 1833 till November 1836, Baker also left on furlough. When Joseph Peet arrived in May 1833, no Missionary was in Kottayam until the arrival of W.J.Wood on July 30, 1834.[98]

Seminary under Joseph Peet (1833-1836)

              Joseph Peet was the last European Principal of the Seminary. He served for nearly three years (May 1833 to January 1836), which was, in the words of P.Cherian “the most unfortunate period in the history of the Mission of help”.[99] Peet was only thirty-five years old, when he arrived at Kottayam in May 1833. For about a year, he was the only English Missionary at Kottayam, until when he was joined in July 1834 by W.J.Woodcock, a man of about twenty-five years old. Bailey returned from furlough in October 1834 and Baker in November 1835.

              In 1833, due the threat of Cholera, the Seminary was closed for sometime. When Peet arrived in May 1833, the Seminary was almost deserted, and his earliest efforts were to collect students and to supervise the instruction.[100] The young Missionaries were dissatisfied with the progress of the reforms and were determined to speed up the process. However, the situation had been changed since the demise of Punnathara Mar Dionysius who died of Cholera in May 1825. His successor, Cheppattu Mar Dionysius (consecrated in August 1825 = Chingom 15), was not very much disposed towards the reforms. He had the support of the leading clergy, who were also unhappy with the activities of the Missionaries.

              In 1835, Mr.J.Tucker, Secretary of the Corresponding Committee in Madras visited Travancore and it was a turning point in the relationship between the Syrian Church and the Missionaries. Tucker had long discussion with Bailey, Peet and Woodcock.[101] Collins summarizes the contents:

“ Accordingly they unanimously agreed that the time was come for some more definite attempt to be made towards reformation. And in considering to what extent the reformation ought to be attempted, it was their opinion that the things required as indispensable should be only such as are plainly contrary to Scripture, and that attempt should first be made by means of the Church herself, lawfully represented in Synod assembled. They therefore determined to urge the Metran to call a Synod of Malpans, Kathanars and laity, where they should fully and freely discuss the state of the Church, and the conditions on which the funds for the College & c., had been raised by General Munro”.[102]

              Thus the Missionaries decided to persuade the Metran to convene a Synod as in 1818 at Mavelikara and to force the Church to accept reforms on the Protestant lines. In November 1833, J.Tucker wrote to the Parent Committee in London that the Mission was “fast approaching that crisis which was naturally to be expected from the constant introduction of divine truth”.[103] In their reply, the Parent Committee advised the Missionaries to be prudent and to avoid “everything that is rash, precipitate, disorderly and schismatic”.[104]

              As we have already noted, Peet and Woodcock, both young and inexperienced, were the only missionaries at Kottayam till the close of 1834. Woodcock regularly indulged in doctrinal controversies even before he picked up a few Malayalam words.[105]

In the words of P.Cherian, ‘ He allowed himself at times to speak and write about the Kurbana Service in language that would cause the utmost pain to the Syrians”.[106]

              Peet who was less controversial in his conversions, was also very critical of the doctrines of the Syrian Church. In his lectures at the Seminary, he always tried to demonstrate that the doctrines and rites of the Syrian Church are unbiblical and superstitious. Once, as soon as Peet left the Seminary premises, Konat Abraham Malpan told the students that what Peet said was not correct. Apparently such things had been happening before. Peet suddenly returned and was much offended and the Malpan was dismissed.

              In 1835, following the insistence of Mr.Peet, Cheppattu Mar Dionysius gave him a written undertaking regarding the future ordinations:

“ I am bound for the future not to ordain Kathanars before I get a written satisfactory testimony from Rev.Mr.Peet and the Malpan who is in the College, that they have a good knowledge of the Scripture both in Syriac and Malayalam”.[107]

Such an agreement, though unwritten existed between Punnathara Mar Dionysius and the Missionaries. The implication of a written agreement was much more important that it would appear. For the Syrian Church, it meant that the Missionaries controlled the selection and ordination of the candidates for priesthood. Metropolitan felt offended and the leading Kathanars were quite unhappy about it. Mar Dionysius avoided confrontation and conceded to some of the demands of the Missionaries. Thus on 18^th March 1835, he had signed a document stating that the property of the Seminary shall be vested in the names of the Metropolitan and the Missionaries jointly.[108]

              By 1835, the Missionaries became impatient that the mission did not produce the expected result. Their dissatisfaction is evident in the words of Richard Collins:

“ Though five-eights of the Kathanars had by that time (=1835) passed through the College, not one appeared in the light of a reformer even in minor matters. Nay, it was stated by the missionaries themselves that the Kathanars who had been educated in the College, were, if anything, more inimical to them, and to any measures of reforms, than the rest”.[109]

              J.Tucker, who visited the Syrian Church in 1835 to get a first-hand report, was also disappointed. In his report he wrote:

“ The College which was considered as the chief hope of the Mission has educated, besides many of the laity, about one hundred and fifty three who are now officiating as Kathanars in the sixty churches of the Syrians. And now let the state of things be reviewed at the end of these eighteen years. There is not known to be one single instance of the genuine conversion to God of any Syrian Kathanar or layman, through the agency of any Missionary direct or indirect (….). Of the one hundred and fifty three Kathanars educated more or less by the Missionaries, there is not one who does not continue every Sunday performing services, which are plainly contrary to the Word of God, nor could I find one who appears really willing to put them away (…). Which of the one hundred and fifty three Kathanars who have been taught the truth in the College is willing to obey the truth? The answer has invariably been ‘none’. The total number of Kathanars is about two hundred and fifty, so that five-eights of them have been under the Missionary influence. Reviewing all these circumstances….. I conceive that a case is made out sufficiently strong to justify a thorough investigation of the system itself”.[110]

              Punnathara Mar Dionysius had permitted the Missionaries to preach in the churches. His successor, Cheppattu Mar Dionysius had not withdrawn that permission. Peet visited the churches and preached doctrinally provoking sermons. This gave rise to several unpleasant scenes. In Peet’s own words: “It grieves me to add that in the prosecution of this duty (of preaching), I have met with every kind of opposition in short of personal violence from some of the leading men”.[111] Peet’s arrogance served only to create an atmosphere of antagonism.

Bishop Daniel Wilson’s Visit (1835)

              In November 1835, Bishop Daniel Wilson of Calcutta arrived on the scene to persuade the Metran to follow the lines of reformation as proposed by the Missionaries. On 19^th November he reached Kottayam and on Saturday 21^st November 1835, he invited the Metran to Bailey’ residence and talked on the reforms to be introduced in the Syrian Church. The Assistant Resident Captain White was also present. Bishop Wilson suggested six points for the consideration of the Syrian Church.[112]

1. The Metran should ordain those who had passed through the Seminary and obtained certificate of good conduct and learning.
2. Accounts of the churches should be submitted annually to the British Resident.
3. An Endowment shall be instituted so that the Kathanars may receive regular income, instead of uncertain fees from offering of Eucharist for the dead.
4. Schools should be established in every parish church.
5. The Kathanars should preach on the Gospel every Sunday during the liturgy.
6. Liturgy shall be revised and as Syriac is not understood by common people, it shall be celebrated in Malayalam.[113]

Cheppattu Mar Dionysius patiently listened to the suggestions and promised to consult his Church and make known the decision to the Bishop. We do not know whether Bishop Wilson suggested convening a Synod to discuss the proposals. The first three suggestions were absolutely unacceptable to the Syrians. The first suggestion could eventually lead to a situation in which the missionaries control the ordinations. ‘Certificate of good conduct’ from the Missionaries obviously meant that the candidate is willing to serve their goals.

              Submitting the accounts to the Resident’s office meant that the Syrian Church becomes part of the British Rule and total control by the Missionaries. Regular income for the priests from an endowment controlled by the Missionaries was also aimed at putting pressure on them to accept the reforms. Bishop Wilson thought that when the Kathanars are deprived of income from the Service for the departed, gradually the practice would die out. The real intention behind the ‘friendly’ suggestions was obvious for the Metran and the leaders of the Church.

Mavelikara Padiyola (1836)

              Within less than six weeks after his meeting with Bishop Wilson, Cheppattu Mar Dionysius convened an assembly in Mavelikara. More than fifty Kathanars and between 700 and 800 laymen assembled on 16^th January 1836 (5^th Makarom 1011). Mar Coorilos of Anjoor (who succeeded Mar Philexenos in 1829) was also present. The assembly discussed the suggestions of Bishop Wilson and unanimously rejected them. A resolution was adopted at the Assembly, which was known as the Mavelikara Padiyola (= resolution).[114]

              On 19^th January, a conference of the Missionaries received a report of the Mavelikara Assembly from Eruthical Markose Kathanar, a confident of the Missionaries.[115] The conference appointed him as “the responsible Kathanar to communicate between the Metran and the missionaries when necessary”.[116]

              The news reached the Madras Corresponding Committee, and its Secretary Mr.Tucker paid a hurried visit to get a first hand information. A conference was held on 22^nd January 1836 and expressed the opinion: “by the decision of the Metran, our connection with the Syrian Church is on their part virtually dissolved”.[117]

              Following the Mavelikara Assembly, the Missionaries took an attitude of confrontation. They began to organize the sympathizers of reforms. The Missionaries present in Kottayam were of opinion that the break away group of the Syrians should be made part of the Anglican Church and that the Anglican liturgy should be translated for their use. But the Madras Corresponding Committee did not approve this move. Their decision was to create a reformed Syrian Liturgy for the use of the reformed group.[118]

              In the Seminary, attempts were made to forbid the celebration of the Syrian Liturgy in the Chapel. On 9^th March 1836, the Corresponding Committee of the CMS, Madras adopted the following resolution, asking the Missionaries not to take any hasty action:

“ That the Committee entirely agree with the Rev. Missionaries that it is not right to sanction the performance of the Syrian Service, as it is at present observed, in the College Chapel; and they assure them of their purpose of taking early measures to relieve them from the difficulties in which they are involved as Trustees of the College and its property; but that they beg them not to take any step for abolishing of the service, until all the efforts of the Committee to obtain relief have failed”.[119]

The Committee further authorized the Missionaries to prepare a reformed liturgy for the use of the Syrians: “ Resolved that the Missionaries be requested to prepare a suitable liturgy in Malayalam for the use of the Syrians, from the different liturgies and services now in use”.[120]

This resolution was adopted following the request of the Missionaries (bailey, Baker and Peet) to approve their efforts to introduce a reformed liturgy. It seems that they had suggested replacing the Syrian liturgy with that of the Anglicans. In his covering letter with the copy of the above quoted resolutions, J.Tucker gave the following instruction:

“ The Committee took into serious consideration, the important question whether it is desirable to introduce our Liturgy or to attempt to compose a reformed one form their own. You will see by Res.No.5 to what conclusion they came and I may add that it is at present the decided conviction to preserve their identity and not to amalgamate them with the Church of England”.[121]

              Meanwhile an incident took place that discredited the Missionaries. The important documents such as the Copperplate (Cheppedu) granted to the Syrian Church by the early Kerala kings, Receipt of the Syrian Fund (Vattipanam), documents related to the royal grants, title deed of the Seminary campus and the properties of the Seminary, Grant (Neetu) for Munro Island and the accounts of the Seminary were kept in a strong room in the Seminary with double locks and keys. One of these keys was with the Metran and the other with Mr.Peet.  Peet was misinformed that the Metran had planned to remove the documents and believed the story. In 1836 on Palm Sunday, when the Metran, the Kathanars and the students had left the Seminary to attend the service at the Cheriapally, Kottayam, Peet had broken into the strong room and took away the documents to his residence.

              Regarding the date of this incident, P.Cherian insists that it took place in 1834. But this seems to unlikely, because on March 18^th, 1835, Cheppattu Mar Dionysius signed a document stating that the property of the Seminary shall be vested in the names of the Metran and the Missionaries jointly. It is unlikely that the Metran had signed such a statement after the incident.[122] Ittoop’s account gives the impression that it had taken place after Bishop Wilson’s visit (Nov.1835) and the Mavelikara Assembly.[123] According to Ittoop, Peet’s action was the main cause for the alienation between the Metran and the Missionaries. The issue was raised neither during Bishop Wilson’s visit, nor at the Mavelikara Assembly. On the other hand, Mavelikara Assembly would be factor that prompted Peet to engage in an incident which, in the words of P.Cherian ‘produced a very unfavorable impression against him and the Mission among the common people’.[124]

              For further action, the Missionaries sought the direction from the Madras Corresponding Committee and the Parent Committee in London. Naturally this was a long process. Finally on 11^th January 1837, the Corresponding Committee adopted the following resolution: “ That under these views the Committee approve of the Missionaries refusing to continue their connection with the College on its present footing, and to request the Resident to act as arbiter in the division of the property”.[125]

              During this time, the Missionaries continue to visit the parishes and engaged in systematic campaign to consolidate their position. In April 1837, Cheppattu Mar Dionysius issued a circular to all the churches intimating them that neither the Missionaries nor any one associating with them should be allowed to preach in the Syrian Church. This deprived the Missionaries of an important field of work, and consequently, the Mission of help took the shape of an open Mission among the backward classes of Kerala.[126]

Last days of the Missionaries at the Seminary

              After the Mavelikara Assembly, most of the students left the Seminary, probably under Metran’s instruction. However, Konat Abraham Malpan (who had been dismissed by Peet) had told the churches in the North not to send any deacon to the Seminary. The Missionaries, therefore, wrote the Metran that a number of deacons had not returned, and ‘desiring him to account for their absence, and to give orders for their immediate return, or the vacancies would be filled up”.[127]

              In April 1837, a Baker, daughter of Henry Baker, wrote to her brother: “ The Mission is in a very unsettled state at present. There are very few deacons in the College”.[128] Thus we can assume that immediately after the Mavelikara Assembly, the students must have left. Those who remained might be the deacons who were under the obedience of Palakkunnathu Abraham Malpan and Eruthical Markose Kathanar.

              With the remaining students and Malpans, the Missionaries continued their work for two more years. Joseph Peet, who became Principal in 1833, continued in charge till 1838, when he moved to Mavelikara. Mr.Peet had moved the students from the Old Seminary on October 2, 1838 to a shed, made of plaited palm leaves, near the proposed site of the new College (present CMS College, Kottayam).[129] Just before leaving the Seminary, Peet dismissed two of the few remaining deacons, who were obviously opposed to the reforms. Palakkunnathu Abraham Malpan taught at the new College for two years, until he resigned in 1840, ‘to dedicate himself for the reforms’.[130]

              Between 1838 and 1852, the Seminary seems to have remained closed. The major event that took place during this period was the Cochin Arbitration Award, which granted the possession of the Seminary to the Syrians.

Cochin Arbitration Award (1840)

              Since the Missionaries were the joint trustees of the property of the Seminary, they had legal claims on it. Thus they put forward the solution of the division of the property. On 23^rd December 1836, a special meeting of the Missionaries was held (in Kottayam?) and the following resolution was passed:

“ (1) That a statement showing the precise nature of the connection at present subsisting between the Mission and the Syrian Church be sent to Madras, with a view to pointing out the expediency of completing the separation which the Syrians, as far as their power, have already made;

(2) Also a statement of the whole amount of property at present possessed by the College that the sources from which it is derived and what may be claimed by the respective parties on any division of the same.

(3) That the sanction of the Madras Corresponding Committee be requested to the Missionaries suggesting to the Resident a plan for separation between the Metran and themselves as joint-trustees of the property of the College, such as will cause a little detriment as possible to the means employed for the education and spiritual improvement of the Syrians.

(4) The reference to the peculiarly unpleasant situation in which the missionaries are placed as joint-trustees with the Metran in the affairs of the College, especially in their not having it in their power to suppress idolatrous and superstitious worship in the College Chapel, or to the Metran, if they cannot agree to a former resolution [viz., that the services should be in English], to relieve the missionaries from their trusteeship of the College property, which they can no longer consciously hold in conjunction with the Metran”.[131]

On 6^th February (1837) another resolution was made by the Missionaries’ conference:

That immediate steps be taken to effect the separation between the Metran and the missionaries as joint-trustees of the College property, agreeably to the sanction granted by the Madras Corresponding Committee”.[132]

              Both parties were determined to proceed for a separation and appealed to Colonel Fraser, the British Resident. On 20^th February 1838, the Resident moved the Travancore Government to appoint a Commission to sell the property and to pay the proceeds to the treasury to be distributed between the parties.[133] Cheppattu Mar Dionysius soon made a submission to the Resident to suspend the procedures.[134]  Part of the property was sold, which brought Rs.61, 364. Meanwhile the Madras Government intervened and directed the Resident to suspend further proceedings.[135]  The Madras Government, after having consulted the Metran and the Missionaries, decided to appoint a Commission consisting of one member nominated by the Metran, another by the Missionaries and a third by the Travancore Government. The Government further ordered ‘that in the event of the parties not agreeing to this plan, they should be asked to settle the dispute in the local Civil Courts’.[136] Both sides agreed to the proposal to have a settlement by the Arbitration.[137] The board of the Arbitrators (known as Panchayat) consisted of Baron D’Albedyhil, J.S.Vernede and W.S.Horseley, nominated by the Missionaries, the Metran and the Travancore Government respectively. They met in Cochin, examined all the documents produced before them,[138] heard the claims of both parties and passed their award on 4^th April 1840.

Summary of the Cochin Arbitration Award (Panchayat ), 1840[139]

I.  Awarded to the Syrian Metran:

1.     Copper plate charters (Cheppedu) containing grants from ancient kings.

2.     The Kadamattom Estate (property of the Mar Thoma Metrans).

3.     The sum of Rs.4134-0-3, the produce of jewels of the former Metrans.[140]

     Awarded to the Metran and two co-trustees:  a priest and a layman from the Syrian            Church:

4.     The sum of 3000 Star Pagodas invested with the East India Company in 1808.

5.     Rs.8000 given by the Travancore Government in 1816.

6.     The site of the Old Seminary

7.     The Seminary itself.

8.     The Chapel of the Seminary.

9.     The dining room of the granary attached to the Seminary.

10.   Future interest on 3000 Star Pagodas.

II. Awarded to the Church Missionary Society:

    ‘ To the Rev.Missionaries, the Secretary pro.tem. to the Corresponding Committee and the British Resident[141], to be held in trust by them for the exclusive benefit of the Syrians’ they awarded:

1.     Rs.20, 000 granted by the Travancore Government in 1818 for ‘the political, moral and religious renovation of the whole Syrian people through the instructions of the English Missionaries’.

2.     Rs.14, 035 –1-6, given by the Europeans donors, through the Missionaries.

3.     Munro Island

4.     Rs.500, spent on building the Seminary Chapel, to be paid from the Seminary funds and spent on a chapel for the new CMS College.

5.     Rs.5, 170-0-4 for salaries of the (CMS) College servants.

6.     Rs.2279-9-11 advanced by the Corresponding Committee to enable the Seminary to be carries on from May 1838 to December 1839. [This was awarded to be paid from the Seminary funds to the Corresponding Committee and No.5 to Mr.Bailey from the same source].

III. The following sums were divided between the Metran and the Missionaries and their co-trustees:

1.     Rs.2520, interest on 3000 Star Pagodas from 1835 to 1837 (three years) not drawn.

2.     Rs.15, 245 estimated surplus in the Resident’s treasury, i.e., Rs.6088-15-5 to the Metran and Rs.9156-0-7 for the new CMS College.[142]

              Cheppattu Mar Dionysius was unhappy about the award. In fact all the funds and the assets of the Seminary, with the exception of the donations from the Europeans (item II-2) were secured from local donations and royal grants. But the Cochin Panchayat awarded them to the Missionaries, especially the Munro Island and the royal grant of Rs.20, 000 (Item II-1).

              The Metran complained to the Madras Government of the terms of the award, and the Government passed the following minutes on 13^th July 1840:

“ Although the Syrian Metran did not bind himself, as he ought to have done by a formal document, to abide by the decision of the arbitrators, still, from the circumstance of his having agreed to submit his claims to arbitration and having himself nominated one of the arbiters, the Right Honourable the Governor in Council is of opinion that he should submit to the decision which has been passed and declines to interfere further in a matter which has already occupied much of the time and attention of the Government and ought now to be considered finally adjusted”.[143]

              Following the award of 1840, the Seminary came to the sole possession of the Syrian Metropolitan. However, Cheppattu Mar Dionysius was unable to see that the studies shall be resumed in the Seminary. E.M.Philip says that the Seminary discontinued to function, as funds were not available. Though the Resident promised to disburse the amount awarded by the Panchayat, as a sign of protest, Mar Dionysius refused to draw it.[144] Apparently, he did not take the initiative to elect or to nominate the co-trustees. Consequently, he could not draw the interest of the Syrian Fund (Vattipanam). Similarly, the amount (Rs.6088) awarded by the Arbitration Commission was not drawn. He continued to send petitions to the Madras Government and they were ignored. Another factor that prevented him from drawing the amount was a memorandum submitted by some Syrians of the reformed group to the Resident, requesting him not to pay the amount to Mar Dionysius.[145]

Conclusion

              As in the case of almost all the major developments in the history of Christianity, the English ‘Mission to the Syrians’ have both positive and negative impacts. The Malankara Church is indebted to the CMS Missionaries in many respects. They have brought English education to Travancore, which eventually led to the socio-economic development of the Syrian Christians. The training of the clergy entered a new stage, though the Malankara Church could not explore it usefully because of various reasons. The foundation of the Seminary and the teaching of the West Syriac language and liturgy helped the Church to resist the advance of the Romo-Syrians. With the help of the Missionaries, the Malankara Church could get back a number of churches occupied jointly or fully by the Romo-Syrians.

              Still the ‘Mission of help to the Syrians’ was not completely disinterested as a number of historians (mainly Protestants and recently a few others). From the correspondences of Munro and the Missionaries, it is beyond doubt that they wanted to ‘reform’ the Malankara Church. Though their occasional interference in the in the administration of the Seminary and the Church was tolerated to a certain extent (- which was in fact inevitable in a vassal state of the British-), the Church resisted the virtual take over. The most deplorable side of the English Mission was the division of the Church into three groups: the Malankara Orthodox, the Reformed Syrians (who later called themselves ‘Mar Thoma Syrian Church) and the fraction that joined the Anglican Church. The Mar Thoma Church established itself with the support of the Missionaries, which eventually led the Malankara Church to accept the claims of the Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch.

[Article published in THE HARP Vol XX (2006), pp. 399-446]

             

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[1] The earliest reference to a Malpan Veedu is found in the writings of a Portuguese priest who visited Angamaly in 1557. Cfr. A.M.Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, Vol.I (Bangalore, 1984), p.189.

B.Varghese, ´A Brief History of the Syriac Study Centres in Kerala”, THE HARP X (1997), 65-70.

[2] See Question No. 7 in Ittoop, Joseph Pukadiyil, History of the Syrian Christians of Malayalam, Cochin, 1896 (in Malayalam), p.180. Ittoop gives the 17 questions and the answers, pp.175-180.

Malankara Edavaka Patrika (=MEP) which was the official publication of the Malankara Church (1892-1909) made the following remark on the training of the clergy: „ Hundred years ago (ie.c.1800), the ability to read the four Gospels was considered as a great competence. Those who had learned four or six Anaphora were considered as Malpan”. MEP II-2 (1893), p.222.

[3] In 1812, in his reply to Munro’s 17 questions, Mar Thoma VIII said that there were 55 churches, 167 priests and 30,000 people under him. See. Ittoop. P.179 (5^th question).

[4] The Seminary Church case, tr. E.M.Philip, (Kottayam, 1890), Para 116.

[5] Resolution No.8, Kandanadu Padiyola, Ittoop, p.156. Eleven resolutions are given by Ittoop.pp.155-157.

[6] We ignore the source of the vattipanam. On the various theories on its origin, see, E.M.Philip, The Indian Christians St Thomas, (Malayalam), Kottayam, 2^nd ed. 1951, pp.194-97.

[7] Ittoop. p.160-161.

[8] Ibid. p.162.

[9] Ibid. p.162-163.

[10] See the petitions: Ibid. pp.167-174.

[11] Ibid. p.175.

[12] On the Anjoor Church: J.R.K.Fenwick, The Malabar Independent Syrian Church, Grove Books, Nottingham, 1992.

[13] P.Cherian, The Malabar Syrians and the Church Missionary Society: 1816-1840, (Kottayam, 1935), p.176.

[14] Ringeltaube worked in India between 1797 and 1816. He visited Travancore in 1806.

 See. C.M.Agur, Church History of Travancore, Madras 1903 (ARS Reprint, New Delhi, 1990), p.958 (note). On Ringeltaube pp.460-527.

[15] See W.S.Hunt’s comments on Agur’s statement.  The Anglican Church in Travancore and Cochin: 1816-1916, 2 Vols. (Kottayam 1920 & 1933), Vol.II, p.85.

[16] Ittoop. p.187.

[17] Barnard Thoma, Mar Thoma christianikal, Vo. 2, (Pala, 1922), p.372; AGUR, p.110; HUNT, II, p.84.

[18] Ittoop, p.188.

[19] In fact we do not know why the Ramban chose Kottayam. According to some legends, following a vision, Ittoop Ramban arrived at the present site of the Seminary and lived there in a hut for some time in prayer and fasting. See Fr.Jose Kunnamkulam, Pulikkottil Joseph Mar Dionysius (mal.), 2^nd Ed, Kunnamkulam, 1987, p.21-25.

[20] AGUR makes a curious statement: “ The proposed Syrian College was built at Cottayam in 1815, by a rich Syrian Tharakan not only as a place of education for the clergy, but also as a place of Residence for the Metran or Bishop” (p.960). This must be based on some second hand information.

[21] Ittoop. p.188.

[22] According to E.M.Philip (p.202), 1816 Meenom 12.

[23] Ittoop, p.175.

[24] In ME.989 Kumbom  ( March 1813), a church built in Thiruvalla was torched by a few Hindus. The Resident brought them to justice and they were fined 60,000 Kaliam, half of which went to the church and the other half to the Seminary. Cfr. The letter by Cheppattu Mar Dionysius to the Resident on 24^th April 1835. P.CHERIAN, p.398 (Appendix G).

[25] Appendix O, P.CHERIAN, p.398.

[26]  Letter No.15, Appendix A, P.CHERIAN, p.351.

[27] Letter to Mr. Thompson on 19-5-1816: Letter No.2, Appendix A, P.CHERIAN, p.352.

[28] Letter No.15, P.Cherian, p.351.

[29] Appendix F, Letter No.2, P.CHERIAN, p.386-87 (see the Malayalam original).

[30] Ittoop, p.189.

[31] Missionary Register 1818, p.98. cfr. HUNT I, p.56 (note).

[32] Missionary Register 1818, p.102; cfr. AGUR, p.964.

[33]  Ibid. p.102.

[34] Ibid.

[35] Ibid.

[36] Letter No.2, Appendix A, P.CHERIAN, p.342. On the role of Mar Dionysius and the Seminary in the translation of the Syriac Bible into Malayalam, see, Baby Varghese, “ Syriac Bible in India”, THE HARP XIV (2001), pp.63-80.

[37] Letter No.18, App.A, P.CHERIAN, p.356.

[38] Letter No.23 on 29^th May 1817, App.A, P.CHERIAN, p.360-61.

[39] Letter to bailey on 6^th August 1817, Letter No.24,  App.A, P.CHERIAN, p.362.

[40] Even before Munro showed interest in the Syrian Church, the CMS had thought of helping the Syrians. In their report of 1812, they remarked that ‘ a few learned, prudent and zealous clergymen would be received, as there is ground for hope, with open arms’ by ‘the ancient and venerable Church of the Syrian Christians of Malayala”. HUNT, II, p.84-85. It was of course, Buchanan’s visit that created such an interest in the CMS.

[41] Letter No.1A, App.A, P.CHERIAN, p.340.

[42] Ibid.

[43] Ibid.p.341.

[44] Letter of 19^th July 1816 to Thompson (CMS, Madras), Letter No.2, App.A, P.CHERIAN, p.342.

[45] Letter No.4, App.A, P.CHERIAN, p.343.

[46] Letter No.18, App.A, P.CHERIAN, p.356.

[47] His first visit to Kottayam was in November 1816, a few days after the demise of Mar Dionysius.

[48] Letter to Bailey, 6^th August 1817, Letter No.24, App.A, P.CHERIAN, p.363. This letter gives a clear idea about the Seminary in 1817. see. CHERIAN, pp.361-64.

[49] Letter No 23,App.A, P.CHERIAN, p.360. Obviously this was addressed to Bailey.

[50] Munro’s letter on 23^rd May 1818 to Bailey: “ I hope that you continue your endeavours to introduce the English language among the branches of study at the College. This is an object of great importance, and claims your consideration”.  Letter No.25, P.CHERIAN, p.365.

[51] That is, Mar Philexenos of Anjoor, who assumed the responsibility of the Seminary and the Church following the demise of Mar Dionysius.

[52] Letter to Mailet on 29^th May 1817, Letter No.23, P.CHERIAN, p.360.

[53] Letter on 29^th May 1817, (No.23), P.CHERIAN, p.360.

[54] HUNT, I, p.56, note.

[55]  Letter on 6^th August 1817, (No.24), P.CHERIAN, p.361-62.

[56] Letter to Bailey on 6^th August 1817 (No.24 in App.A), P.CHERIAN, p.363.

[57] Ibid.

[58] Ittoop. 194.

[59] Letter on 23^rd May 1818 (No.25, App.A), P.CHERIAN, p.365.

[60] Missionary Register Dec.1821, p.518 (text quoted elsewhere).

[61] AGUR, p.976.

[62] Letter of 13^th February 1817 (No.15 in App.A), P.CHERIAN, p.351.

[63] The Missionary Register 1821 (Dec), p.519.

[64] HUNT, II, p.80. Welsh’s report refers to a “small chapel” in the Campus. Probably he refers to the original chapel, which was much smaller. If it means a separate chapel built for the missionaries, the Cochin award of 1840 does not mention such a building (see below).

[65] See Letter on 13^th Feb. 1817 (No.15), P.CHERIAN, p.351.

[66] HUNT, I, p.61.

[67] Letter to Norton on 15^th Feb.1817 (No.16), P.CHERIAN, p.353.

[68] V.NAGAM AIYA, The Travancore State Manuel (3 Vols.), Vol.II (1906, AES Reprint, New Delhi, 1989), p.447.

[69] HUNT, I, p.68. Hunt’s source of information was probably the State Manuel of Nagam Aiya.

[70] Letter No.24, App.A, P.CHERIAN, p.362.

[71]  Ibid. p.362-63.

[72] P.518.

[73] The Missionary Register 1821 (Dec.), p.519.

[74] HUNT, II, p.75-76. The present Principal’s Bungalow was originally built for the Fenns and in 1836, the CMS College was started in a temporary hut neat it.

[75] AGUR, p.974. On the contributions of Bailey, HUNT, I, pp.119-124.

[76] HUNT, II,p.77.

[77] Ibid. I, p.125. On Fenn, pp.124-127.

[78] Probably there were one or two temporary quarters in the Seminary Campus specially built for the Missionary families, of which no trace exists.

[79] HUNT, II, p.77, note.

[80] HUNT, II, p.77.

[81] Ibid.

[82] The Missionary Register 1821 (Dec.), p.516.

[83] HUNT II, p.78.

[84] P.CHERIAN, p.381-82 [Appendix D]

[85] Ibid. p.383.

[86] HUNT II, p.78.

[87] Ibid.

[88] Richard COLLINS, Missionary Enterprise in the East (London, 1873), p.109-110.

[89] Ibid. p.112.

[90] Ibid. p.110.

[91] Ibid. p.112.

[92] COLLINS, p.103. The complete text of Fenn’s sermon is given by P.CHERIAN, Appendix B, p.370-74.

[93] Ibid.

[94] Ibid. p.106.

[95] HUNT II, p.79.

[96] On Welsh’s visit, HUNT II, p.80; On Robinson: Ibid. II, p.81; AGUR, p.989.

[97] AGUR, p.990.

[98] HUNT I, p.107. See Woodcock’s account of his first days in Kottayam, p.107-108.

[99] P.CHERIAN, p.209.

[100] Ibid.

[101] COLLINS, pp.114 -118.

[102] COLLINS, p.117-118. According to P.Cherian, Tucker visited in 1835 (p.210, n.1). The date is not very important to us.

[103]  Madras Church Missionary Record 1834, p.167, quoted by P.CHERIAN, p.210. On the date of this report, see CHERIAN, p.210, note 1. This report was probably sent before his visit to Travancore in January 1835.

[104] P.CHERIAN, p.210.

[105] See Woodcock’s diary, in HUNT I, p.107-108. On the background of Peet and Woodcock, see P.CHERIAN, p.210-211.

[106] P.211.

[107] P.CHERIAN, Appendix S, p.403. It was signed on January 27, 1835, Oommen P.A.Cheppattu Mar Dionysius (Mal), 1956, p.44.

[108] See P.CHERIAN, Appendix N, p.398.

[109] COLLINS, p.113.

[110]  Quoted by P.CHERIAN, p.281-82.

[111] Ibid. p.218, note 4.

[112] Cfr. Ittoop p.229; AGUR, 992-93; P.CHERIAN, p.219. See also Bishop Wilson’s sermon to the Missionaries on 13^th February 1843, in P.CHERIAN, Appendix DD, pp.418-423.

[113] Agur says that the suggestions included the revision of liturgy.

[114] English translation in P.CHERIAN, Appendix H, p.390-91; Malayalam in P.A.Oommen, p.54-58.

      See also AGUR, p122-124; HUNT II, p.18-19.

[115] HUNT II, p.13. “He was a teacher in the Seminary, and a kind of house master, superintending food and clothing for the students”. (p.13, note). Another informer was Abraham Malpan of Maramon,

 P.CHERIAN, p.249.

[116] HUNT II, p.13.

[117] P.CHERIAN, p.248.

[118] P.CHERIAN, p.242-48.

[119] Resolution 3, Appendix W, P.CHERIAN, p.407.

[120] Resolution 5, Ibid.

[121] Letter on 14^th March 1836, Appendix W, P.CHERIAN, p.407. On the Liturgical reforms, ibid. ch.XX, pp.242-248.

[122] On the date, P.CHERIAN, p.215, note 1; E.M.PHILIP (Mal), p.224.

[123] Ittoop, p.230.

[124] P.CHERIAN, p.216.

[125] Ibid. p,252.

[126] Ibid. p.253-54.

[127] HUNT II, p.14.

[128]  Ibid. p.21.

[129] Ibid. p.49.

[130] P.CHERIAN, p.289-90. On Abraham Malpan, pp.287-293.

[131] HUNT II, p.14.

[132] Ibid, p.15.

[133] See the Order in P.CHERIAN, Appendix O, p.398-400.

[134] Letter dated 15^th Meenom 1013 (= April 1838), in P.A.Oommen, Appendix, p.xi-xiii.

[135] See the Resident’s order in P.CHERIAN, Appendix Q, p.401.

[136] P.CHERIAN, Appendix K, p.396.

[137] Ibid. Appendices K, L & M , p.396-97.

[138] See the list of documents, P.CHERIAN, Appendix R, p.402.

[139] See AGUR, Appendix III, HUNT II, p.19-20; E.M.PHILIP (Mal), pp.490-506.

[140] Rs.2960-2-3 according to HUNT. The amount shall be read as follows: Rupees 2960, Chakram 2 and Kashu 3.

[141] But later the Residents were prohibited by the Madras Government from serving as trustees. See HUNT II, p.19, note; P.CHERIAN, p.275.

[142] The surplus was divided in proportion to the capital amounts awarded to each Party, P.CHERIAN, p.275.

[143] HUNT II, p.20.

[144] E.M.PHILIP, p.231-32.

[145] J.VARGHESE,  Mathews Mar Athanasius (Malayalam), Kozhenchery, 1930 (Reprint, 1999),

     Vol.II, p.36.